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HISTORY 

OF THE 

FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON, 
1 630-1 880. 



• " And if any tax me for wasting paper with recording 

these small matters, such may consider that little mothers bring 

foi ;h little children, small commonwealths matters of small 

moment, the reading whereof yet is not to be despised by the 

judicious ; because small things, in the beginning of natural 

or politic bodies, are as remarkable as greater in bodies 

full-grown." 

Gov. Dudley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln. 



HISTORY 



OF THE 



FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON 



1630— 1880. 



By ARTHUR B. ELLIS. 



SEi'tfj an Introtiucttan, 
By GEORGE E. ELLIS. 



ILLUSTRATED. 



BOSTON: 
HALL AND WHITING, 

32 Bromfield Street. 
1881. 



Liy\uKx^ 



/hO,) ^,^ 



f7S 






Copyright, 1881, 
By Arthur B. Ellis. 



University Press : 
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge. 



Detitcatelr 



PRESENT MINISTER OF FIRST CHURCH, 

AS A SMALL TOKEN OF LOVING REGARD, AND IN RECOGNITION OF THAT 

STEADY DEVOTION TO THIS ANCIENT CHURCH, WHICH HAS DONE SO 

MUCH TO STRENGTHEN AND BUILD IT AFRESH ON THE OLD 

FOUNDATIONS, AND TO MAKE IT, IN HIS OWN 

WORDS, A " LARGER HOUSEHOLD." 



PREFACE. 



nr^HIS work, like so many others of a similar character, 
is the extension of a lecture. The lecture was deliv- 
ered in the chapel at an informal parish gathering of the 
First Church. The interest which seemed to be awakened 
at that time among members of the congregation by the 
approaching celebration of the two hundred and fiftieth 
anniversary of the church organization, served to advance 
a preconceived plan of enlarging the only history of the 
church which had then been published. The work of Rev. 
William Emerson (published posthumously in 1812), pre- 
pared with great care by one who was thoroughly furnished 
for the task, covered the ground so completely that at the 
outset it was proposed merely to add a few pages bearing 
upon recent events without attempting to revise his publi- 
cation. But as the present work advanced, finding how 
completely opinions had altered on some of the topics 
which he had so ably discussed, — transactions which were 
at one time obscure or shrouded in darkness having come 
into the light of knowledge and calling for a different treat- 
ment, — something more than an extension or enlargement 
of his history seemed to be necessary. The task of re- 
vision has been pursued with great caution ; and, as it has 
proved, the qualifications arising from the discovery of 



VIU 



PREFACE. 



new sources of information have added so little to the 
earnest and laborious researches of Mr. Emerson that a 
large portion of his text might have been almost literally 
transcribed in the present work. 

Dr. Frothingham was once asked why he did not write 
a history of the church. His reply was to the effect that 
he should be unable to make the dry statement of facts 
which it involved sufficiently interesting to induce any one 
to read it. It is much to be regretted that he was not 
persuaded to undertake the task, for it is a subject which, 
though dull in a common recital, would have been greatly 
enlivened by some of his charming and often exquisitely 
humorous forms of expression. 

The present work attempts to arrange in concise form 
and chronological order the chain of events down to the 
present time. The authorities quoted are generally re- 
ferred to in the notes. My special acknowledgments are 
due for the kindness with which I have been allowed the 
free use of the Massachusetts Historical Society Library. 
I am indebted to Dr. Samuel A. Green, its librarian, for 
many valuable suggestions and references. Among the 
latter I would specially mention the rare pamphlet on 
church music referred to on page 217, which is now in 
the Boston Public Library. 

The extent to which I have relied on my uncle. Dr. 
George E. Ellis, for advice and guidance, can hardly be 
overestimated. It is sufficient to say that he has directed 
and supervised it all from beginning to end. 

To my father, the present minister of the church, may 
be attributed an equal share with my uncle, of the labor 
involved in preparing the volume for the press, a work 
which was nearly completed during my absence abroad. 
In the preparation of the later chapters, I was guided and 
governed to a great extent by his advice. 



PREFACE. ix 

I tender my grateful acknowledgments to Mrs. George 
W. Pratt, of Boston, for valuable aid in preparing the 
sketch of her ancestor, Thomas Bridge. 

My thanks are due to Rev. Henry W. Foote, minister 
of King's Chapel, and author of a new history of that 
church, which he is now preparing for the press, for calling 
my attention to some interesting sermons of Foxcroft and 
for other acts of kindness ; and to Mr. John Ward Dean, 
librarian of the New England Historic Genealogical Soci- 
ety, for kindly assisting me to fix the exact location of 
the first parsonage on Devonshire Street. 

I am indebted to Dr. Charles Deane, of Cambridge, for 
the introduction of the titlepage of the rare copy of " Cot- 
ton's Milk for Babes," in connection with the life of Cotton ; 
to D. Waldo Salisbury, Esq., of the Standing Committee 
of First Church, for the use of the ancient records of the 
church ; and to George O. Harris, formerly clerk of the cor- 
poration, for assistance in preparing a statement of the cost 
of the new meeting-house. 

Through the courtesy of Messrs. James R. Osgood & 
Co., I am permitted to insert excellent woodcuts of three 
of the ministers, viz., Cotton, Wadsworth, and Chauncy, 
with autographs of Cotton and Wadsworth, all of which 
are taken from the " Memorial History of Boston." 

Similar attention on the part of the Committee of First 
Church who had in charge the publication of the memo- 
rial volume, enables me to add views of three of the meet- 
ing-houses, which were specially prepared for that work. 

The likeness of Wilson is taken from a negative of a 
photograph (by Messrs. Allen & Rowell, of Boston) of 
a painting in the Massachusetts Historical Society Collec- 
tions. (As to the authenticity of this portrait, which was 
at one time considered doubtful, see a satisfactory letter 
from Hon. Josiah Oiiincy to Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, 



X PREFACE. 

printed in Mass. Hist Soc. Proceedings, December, 1880, 
showing it to have been in the possession of the Bromfield 
family for a great number of years.) 

The engraving of Dr. Frothingham was prepared for the 
memoir of him by Dr. Hedge, referred to in the text. 

Mr. A. B. Davenport, of Brooklyn, N. Y., kindly placed 
at my disposal the steel-plate engraving of John Daven- 
port, which appears in his " History of the Davenport 
Family," as well as the fac-simile of his handwriting con- 
tained in the same volume. 

Mr. Thomas Minns, of Boston, who has taken the most 
friendly interest in the work, generously gave the lithograph 
of the house of the Rev. John Wilson, taken from a sketch 
by Eliza Susan Quincy. 

It was my intention at one time to unite the memorial 
volume already referred to, as published by a committee 
of the church, with this history, and bind them together. 
But as that work was issued some months before these 
pages were ready for the press, it seemed advisable to 
abandon this plan and make them as nearly as possible 
companion volumes. To the value of the memorial book 
as an historical treatise, the three sermons by the present 
minister, which it contains, form the chief contribution. 
No more trustworthy source of information concerning the 
early history of the church has ever been published. The 
Bi-centennial sermon of Dr. Frothingham is another val- 
uable production in the same volume. It is recommended 
to all who desire to read an interesting chapter in the 
history of First Church. 

A. B. E. 



CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION , . . . xvii 



Chapter Pagb 

I. 1630-1632. John Wilsom i 

Origin and Foundation of First Church in Boston. — Wor- 
ship, Discipline, and Government. 

11. 1 633-1 65 2. John Cotton 24 

Arrival of Cotton. — His Installation as Teacher. — Life of 
Cotton. — Boston Association of Congregational Minis- 
ters. — Cotton's Influence. — Salaries of the Ministers, 
how provided for. — Sympathy for the Indians. — Dis- 
cussion about Veils. — Dispute with Roger Williams. — 
Dismissal from First Church doubted by some of Charles- 
town. — Rules of Doctrine laid down by Cotton. — Un- 
successful Attempt to reduce the Number of Lectures. 

— Ministers appointed to "deal "with Eliot. — Convince 
him of Error. — Cotton helps to save the Common. — 
Council of Ministers at Boston. — Endicott admonished 
for defacing the Crosses. — Return of Wilson. — Arrival 
of Vane and Norton. — Formation of Cambridge Church. 

— Fast proclaimed in all the Churches. — Growth of Lib- 
eralism. — Sermon by Peter. — Hutchinsonian Contro- 
versy. — Trouble with Wheelwright. — Banishment of Mrs. 
Hutchinson. — Attempt to reclaim her, and to admonish 
her Son Francis Hutchinson. — Banishment of Underbill. 

— Collins and Hutchinson Fined. — Keayne dealt with for 
Overcharging. — Building of Second House of Worship. — 
Ministers called to Westminster Assembly. — La Tour. — 
Gorton. — Death of Winthrop. — Discontent in Hingham. 

— Mission to Bermuda. — Gathering of Second Church. 



xii CONTENTS. 

Chapter Page 

III. 1653-1670. John Wilson, John Norton, John 

Davenport, James Allen 86 

Prominent Position of the Early Ministers. — Death of Dud- 
ley. — John Norton. — Right of Baptism. — Life of Wilson. 

— John Davenport. — Controversy over his Settlement in 
First Church. — Formation of Third Church from Disaf- 
fected Members of the First. — James Allen. 

IV. 1671-1710. James Allen, John Oxenbridge, Joshua 

MooDEY, John Bailey, Benjamin Wadsworth, 
Thomas Bridge 121 

Condition of Religious Affairs down to the Present Period. 

— Trouble with the Baptists and Quakers. — John Oxen- 
bridge. — Contribution for Harvard College. — Psalm- 
singing. — Penn Legacy. — Synod of 1679. — Other Churches 
invited to assist in carrying on Thursday Lecture. — 
Reconciliation between First and Third Churches. — Joshua 
Moodey. — Establishment of Episcopacy. — Arbitrary 
Conduct of Governor Andros. — Salaries provided for the 
Ministers at this Period. — Modifications under the new 
Charter of 1692. — John Bailey. — Benjamin Wadsworth. 
-^Churches in Boston in 1698. — Formation of Brattle 
Street. — Union between Church and College. — Thomas 
Bridge. — Erection of a Parsonage. 

V. 1711-1785. Thomas Bridge, Benjamin W.4DSW0RTH, 
Thomas Foxcroft, Charles Chauncy, John 
Clarke 166 

Burning of House of Worship of First Church. — Sympa- 
thy and Aid from Brattle Street Church. — Building of 
New House. — Terms of Church Communion. — Old Ac- 
count-Book. — Expenses of Building. — Seaters of the 
Congregation. — Who may occupy Pews. — Debt on the 
Building. — " Despair " of the Parsonage. — Admissions 
to Communion. — Call of Foxcroft. — His Lineage. — 
His Opposition to Episcopacy. — Support of the Minis- 
try. — Weekly Contributions. — Call of Chauncy. — His 
Opposition to the Revivalists. — Controversy with Epis- 
copalians. — His Book on Universal Salvation. — John 
Clarke appointed. — Chauncy's Mind and Character. — 

— Great Earthquake. — Reading of the Scriptures in the 
Church. — Introduction of Choirs. — War of the Revo- 
lution. — Thursday Lecture. — Sketch of John Clarke's 
Life. — His Doctrine. — His Sudden Death. 



CONTENTS. xiii 

Chapter Page 

VI. 1 786-1814. John Clarke, William Emerson, John 

Abbot 216 

Organ Music in First Church. — Single Ministry. — Theologi- 
cal Changes. — Week-Day Lectures. — Thursday Lecture. 

— Communion and Baptism. — Invitation of Mr. Emerson. 
— Sketch of Mr. Emerson. — His Theology. — Visit to his 
Son, Ralph Waldo Emerson. — Church Discipline. — 
Building of a New Meeting-House on Chauncy Place. — 
Description of the Old Brick. — Surviving Worshippers in 
that House. — John Lovejoy Abbot, his brief Ministry and 
early Death. 

VII. 1 81 5- 1 849. Nathaniel Langdon Frothingham . 249 

Disappointments in the Parish. — The Death of Mr. Emerson 
and of Mr. Abbot. — The New Building not Satisfactory, 
and the Removal complained of by Many. — Call of Mr. 
Frothingham. — Sketch of his Life and Character. — His 
Return to his Pulpit, and his Last Words on several Occa- 
sions there and elsewhere. — His Blindness. — His Rare 
Scholarship. — His Hymns. — Many Tributes to his Gifts 
as a Man of Letters, and to his Constancy as a Preacher 
and Pastor. — Funeral Services. — Resolutions of the 
Church. — Memoir by Dr. Hedge. — The Ministry of Dr. 
Frothingham. — The Unitarian Controversy, and his Com- 
parative Indifference to it. — Exciting Topics. — Real Es- 
tate of the Church. — The Music. — Half-Way Covenant 
Dispensed with. — Sunday School. — Congregation Incor- 
porated. — Two Hundredth Anniversary. — Transcenden- 
talism. — The Minister's Relation to it. — Christian Psalter. 

— Meeting-House Reconstructed. — Resignation of Dr. 
Frothingham, and Church Action thereon. — Baptisms and 
Admissions to the Church. 

VIII. 1850-1880. RuFus Ellis 285 

Settlement of Rev. Rufus Ellis. — Establishment of a Free 
Sunday School. — Church Work. — Children and Families 
gathered for Missionary Work beyond the Limits of the 
Organized Congregation. — Sewing-Schools. — Employ- 
ment Societies. — Instruction in Dressmaking. — News- 
boys' School. — Past and Present Workers in the Church, 
and their Memorial. — Gas Introduced. — Union Services 
in the Summer. — A more Open Communion. — Thursday 
Lecture Revived for a Time. — Dr. Frothingham's " Shade 
of the Past." — Chauncy Place becomes Chauncy Street. 

— Public Funeral of Edward Everett. — Proposal to build 
a New House of Worship. — ■ Progress and Completion of 
the Work. — Laying of Corner-Stone. — Last Services in 
Old Church. — Dedication. — Church Described. — Its 
Cost. — Liberal Contributions. — Two Hundred and 
Fiftieth Anniversary. 



XIV CONTENTS. 



#ffiars aitb '^mdumus of i^t Cljwrtfj. 

Page 

List of Ministers of the First Church in Boston . . 327 

Ruling Elders of First Church 328 

Deacons 328 

Treasurers 329 

Clerks 330 

Committees of Seaters 330 

Annual Committees 331 

Standing Committees 332 

Organists .__ 337 

Sextons 337 

Disposition of Elder Penn's Legacy 338 



INDEX 343 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Page 

WiNTHROP Cup (1610/1). See " Hall Mark" . . Frotitispiece 

Portrait of Rev. John Wilson 4 

Portrait of Rev. John Cotton . . 35 

Cotton's "Milk for Babes" yj 

House of Rev. John Wilson loi 

Portrait of Rev. John Davenport 114 

Portrait of Rev. Benjamin Wadsworth 155 

The Old Brick Meeting-House 172 

Plan of the Pews in the Old Brick Meeting-House . 176 

Portrait of Rev. Charles Chauncy 193 

Portrait of Rev. John Clarke 213 

Portrait of Rev. William Emerson 230 

Church in Chauncy Place j»' • 237 

Plan of the Pews in Chauncy Place Church .... 242 

Portrait of Rev. N. L. Frothingham 252 

Portrait of Rev. Rufus Ellis 287 

Present Church 313 



INTRODUCTION. 



"TO PRACTISE THE POSITIVE PART OF CHURCH 
REFORMATION AND PROPAGATE THE GOSPEL 
IN AMERICA;" 

'nr^HIS clearly defined and strongly worded statement, 
reiterated with variations of word and phrase in the 
writings of the leaders of the English Colonists in the Bay 
of Massachusetts, gives us from themselves the aim and 
purpose of their coming and their staying. The founders, 
ministers and members of the First Church in Boston 
stand as such leaders in the enterprise. They very soon 
had followers and associates in it. The relation of that 
First Church to the secular affairs of the colony, its, so 
to speak, metropolitan position, its establishment of a pre- 
cedent and example for other early churches in this wil- 
derness, and the pre-eminent influence and agency of its 
ministers in settling a form of church polity, make it 
proper, if not requisite, that a sketch of its history should 
be introduced by a brief reference to the intent and 
method of its constitution. 

The writer of these introductory pages engages in this, 
not altogether attractive, effort in part through an interest 
in the subject, quickened by the recent celebration of the 
two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the planting of the 
church, and in part at the request of his brother, the pres- 



XVIU INTRODUCTION. 

ent pastor, and that of his nephew, its historian. In what 
is to follow the writer would frankly and distinctly state 
that he is not assuming the advocacy, the championship, or 
the defence of a religious fellowship or system, but simply 
aiming at its truthful historical statement. He is not the 
eulogist or the apologist of the Puritan theory. There 
was such a theory put on trial here. There was a pur- 
pose and a method in it. The founders of the First 
Church in Boston represent to us conspicuously the prac- 
tical working of that theory. And thus a fair exposition 
of it may appropriately introduce the history of their 
church. 

We have to ask what these Puritan church founders 
meant by " the Positive Part of Church Reformation ; " 
and then, taking their own answer to the question, to fol- 
low out their purpose and method in attempting to realize 
their object. Nothing new can be suggested on this well- 
wrought theme of history and controversy. It has be- 
come dull and wearisome even to those who by lineage 
and heritage might seem most interested to keep it fresh 
and vitalized ; while to those of uninformed or inert minds 
— who none the less are ready to speak judgments and 
opinions upon it — it is consigned to the class of themes 
which are antiquated and unprofitable. One who in the 
course of his own historical studies has sought to acquaint 
himself with facts and events necessary towards forming 
an intelligent and candid judgment on subjects once kin- 
dled and glowing with intense religious zeal and passion, 
but from which all the heat and all the practical interest are 
extinct for the living generation, will hardly fail to put to 
himself the question which others, superficial or indifferent 
in their own views, will be ready enough to ask him, — Why 
attempt to review, to restate, to set right, matters into 
which ignorance, superstition, morbid scruples, intolerance, 



INTRODUCTION. XIX 

and passion entered so largely, and which are now all hap- 
pily passing into oblivion? This question is thought to 
have a special pertinency when asked by multitudes living 
on this old Puritan heritage, in reference to any rehearsal 
of the stiff, stern, and bigoted ways of the founders of 
Church and Commonwealth. We are glad to succeed to 
them and to enjoy their heritage, but we cannot be engaged 
by any real and genial interest in their harsh and self- 
inflicting style of piety. 

Living under the relaxed discipline, the easy freedom, 
the indifference and lack of earnestness in what was to our 
fathers the most intensely engrossing concern of their ex- 
istence, even those among us who profess to retain, in 
substance at least, their religious standards and believings, 
fall far short of making real to us their old exemplars. 
Reproach, ridicule, contempt, scorn, are the sentiments 
very often felt or avowed for the crabbed, intolerant, and 
self-righteous spirit and deeds of those religious zealots, 
some pages of whose history are here revived. It would 
not be a less difficult, though certainly a much pleasanter, 
task to undertake to teach a foreign language or skill in 
the game of chess to a dull pupil, than it is to inform 
some facile triflers who wonder that any reasonable person 
should concern himself with telling anew, with an intent to 
rectify or readjust the judgment of time and common sense, 
the story of the stern religionists settling on the shores 
of Massachusetts Bay. We have repudiated their bigotry 
and austerity. Why plead even for their sincerity? There 
are those who are wholly unconscious of the fact that even 
the privileges of freedom, indifference, and laxity which 
they themselves enjoy, have come to them without cost, 
as an inheritance from the stern sincerity, the conflicts, 
the heroism, of those who thus enfranchised their posterity. 
There are those amongf us of the sturdiest Protestant lin- 



XX INTRODUCTION- 

eage, whose taste, conscience, love of religious repose or 
rest, has drawn them into the fold of the old Roman com- 
munion, where they find relief and joy. They are free to 
make the change, which involves no penalty or sacrifice. 
This freedom was won for them by predecessors of sterner 
stuff, who, in securing the right of private judgment which 
they used for themselves in breaking the thraldom of the 
old priestcraft, left others free to use the right as they 
might please, even if it should be to misuse it or to re- 
nounce its exercise. 

The founders of the First Church of Boston derived 
their Christian nurture and heritage from the Church in 
England. On leaving their native land, with yearning 
hearts and tearful eyes, they took a tender parting from it 
on the deck of their vessel, as they were to give up its 
wonted holy places and worship for their " poor cottages 
in the wilderness." They were free to renew and perpet- 
uate on the virgin soil of this continent the characteristic 
principles and usages of that mother church. They did 
not do so. They established quite another institution, 
polity, and discipline. Their own course of action, the 
surprise, the seeming inconsistency, and the reason of it, 
will appear by and by, after the way is prepared for their 
own explanation of it. 

The English Church, as the religious nurse and mother 
of these Colonists, claimed to be a reformed church, 
purified, reconstructed, after renouncing and divesting it- 
self, in constitution, doctrine, and discipline, of some of the 
inventions, corruptions, and superstitions of the Church 
of Rome, The English Church had made common cause 
with Protestant churches on the continent of Europe in this 
work of reformation, but had fallen back on its own spe- 
cial limitations. It had been for the English monarchs 
and parliaments to decide the steps, stages, degree, and 



INTRODUCTION. Xxi 

substance of this reforming work, holding always to the 
assurance that no process or amount or result of their re- 
nunciation of Romanism impaired one whit their relation 
to the true Church of Christ. 

The Puritans believed, thoroughly and sincerely, that 
the process of reformation in the English Church had 
been arbitrarily arrested by statecraft and priestcraft, by 
aims of policy and by compromising. They found it re- 
taining and enforcing some Roman inventions and corrup- 
tions — hierarchical, sacerdotal, and ceremonial — which 
consistency required should be renounced as of essentially 
the same erroneous, mischievous, and unscriptural charac- 
ter as others which had been thrown aside. " Rags and 
remnants of Popery " were as odious to the Puritans as the 
most elaborate inventions of its costume and ritual. They 
thought that at the stage which the reformation work had 
reached, and at the point where it was arbitrarily required 
to stop, it was neither thorough in its process nor secure 
of abiding without risk of reversion and overthrow. They 
had stern facts before them, and reasonable apprehensions 
to warrant this conviction. There was that in the temper, 
the treacherous State policy, the arbitrariness and incon- 
stancy of the four Stuart kings, — there was much in the 
spirit of prelacy, in the inclinations of some of the nobility, 
and in the lingering attachments of some of the people for 
the fond devices of Romanism, which kept the great issues 
of Protestantism in an even balance of suspense and risk 
for a good part of the century stirred by aggressive Puri- 
tanism. Not for more than half a century after the Boston 
Churcli was planted was the realm of England solemnly 
and safely committed, by organic parliamentary enact- 
ment and by a sincere royal oath, to Protestantism. To 
make sure of the stage which the purifying work had 
already reached, and to advance it in consistency with 



xxii INTRODUCTION. 

its first impulse and principles, was the aim of the Puri- 
tans. 

It certainly was a serious and by no means easy prob-- 
lem for civil rulers and for ministers of religion, with their 
combined wisdom, to reconstruct a reformed church, after 
repudiating and renouncing that of Rome. The Church 
of Christ was to be the substitute for the Church of the 
Papacy. It was not strange that while the process of that 
substitution was advancing there should have been reason 
and occasion for much variance of judgment as to several 
matters of ecclesiastical constitution and discipline, — 
whether they belonged to, or at least were consistent with, 
the true Church of Christ, or were a part of the Papal 
system. Here we must recognize the radical difference in 
the matter of controversy maintained by the Puritans in 
the English Church, and that of the Reformed churches 
in general with the Church of Rome. The Puritans held 
their own English Church to the obhgation of reconstruct- 
ing itself strictly according to the rule and authority of 
the Scriptures. In theory this obligation had been recog- 
nized. But in practice there was inconstancy in purpose, 
and, as the Puritans believed, inconsistency, and a danger- 
ous trifling with some of the old Papal inventions. The 
Papal Church stoutly denied the sole authority of the 
Scriptures and the obligation to adduce written rules for 
its constitution and discipline. 

The Holy Apostolic Church, said the Romanists, ex- 
isted and was fully organized, according to the direction 
of its Founder, and by authority conferred by him, before 
the Scriptures were written, and independently of what 
may or may not happen to be found in them for instruc- 
tion or example. The Scriptures are in fact the free gift 
of the church to those who belong to its fold, — one of 
many helps and agencies in which, in the exercise of its 



INTRODUCTION. Xxiii 

divine trust, it seeks to fulfil its work. The church settled 
the canon of the sacred writings, and has taken care that they 
should be safely transmitted through the ages for the bless- 
ing of the faithful, for whom also the church claims the 
right to interpret the Scriptures. But the church is by no 
means held to restrict itself, in every element of its consti- 
tution, government, and discipline, to what may be laid 
down or set forth in Scripture. The Apostles had verbal, 
unwritten instructions from Christ, which they communi- 
cated to their successors. These instructions were actually 
followed in the planting and government of the first Chris- 
tian communion ; they appeared in practical observance, 
in traditional transmission, and in various usages, rules, 
ceremonies, and methods of discipline, which all have thus 
an apostolic authority, are the marks and witnesses of the 
true church, wholly extraneous to what may appear in the 
sacred writings. 

It is easy to conceive that, starting with this theory of a 
universal, apostolical church, bearing the sanction of its 
divine Founder, there might have been planted in this 
world an august and benedictive institution which would 
have gone far towards realizing for successive generations 
the establishment of the " Kingdom of Heaven " among 
men. But what, in contrast to this, the Roman Church 
became and was when its fearful thrall of despotism and 
superstition, its foul corruptions, and its debasing tyranny 
stirred alike the manhood and the piety of earnest souls to 
renounce it, need not here be related or portrayed. 

In bursting the bonds of the papacy, and in renouncing 
all connection with the Roman Church, the Reformers in 
general recognized but one alternative for those who re- 
mained in discipleship of the Church of Christ: it was to 
find their rule and guidance in the Scriptures. If the New 
Testament Scriptures had indeed been the gift of the 



XXIV INTRODUCTION. 

church to Christ's disciples, the gift was bestowed while 
yet the church lived in its original simplicity and purity. 
The English Puritans asked of their dear mother church 
that she would strictly model herself by the simple rule of 
Scripture. They protested against the retention and the 
imposition by authority, in the constitution and discipline 
of their church, of any of the hierarchical, sacerdotal, or 
ceremonial inventions of the papacy. The ruling party in 
the English Church insisted that certain observances and 
usages which the Puritans disliked and repudiated were 
things " indifferent." The answer was, " Why then do you 
eject us from our vicarages, fine and imprison us for our 
scruples about them? " The Papal Church, in its elaborate 
hierarchy, had developed a system and series of priestly 
functionaries, with distinctions, ranks, privileges, and offices 
more numerous and complicated than are covered by all 
the officials of civil government, as running through all 
national and municipal departments and all the constitu- 
ent parts of an army. The ritual, ceremonial, and altar 
service of the church, with its vestments, its ornaments, its 
attitudes and observances, was so intricate and compli- 
cated that only a glossary, or dictionary of terms and defi- 
nitions, with something answering to " stage directions," 
could assign and interpret a meaning for them. To the 
Puritan they were all " mummeries." 

The writer of these pages recalls a remembrance which, 
at the time, gave him a full sense of the old Puritan abhor- 
rence of the Roman pomp and ceremonial in contrast 
with the simplicities of the early Christian worship. It 
was on Christmas day at the Church of St. Peter in Rome. 
With the blaze of thousands of candles at midday, the 
swinging of smoking censers, the array of religious orders 
in monkish hoods and varied garbs, the harlequin suits of 
the Swiss Guards, and other military escort, and crowds 



INTRODUCTION. XXV 

of lay-people all in requisite dress-suits, the Pope, lifted in 
a canopy-covered golden chair, was borne in upon the 
arms of ecclesiastics. He was clad in robes so heavily 
wrought with gold that four bearers were needed to relieve 
their weight when he took a few steps on the pavements. 
He hardly needed the large fans and bunches of feathers 
from the tails of peacocks, borne before him, to remind 
him — as the explanation of the ceremonial is — that " the 
eyes of the people are upon him." Probably it was the 
Puritan lineage of the writer, as he looked on the scene, 
that prompted the thought, that if the dome of the superb 
temple could have been riven, and the Apostle whose name 
it bears could have descended upon the scene, he would 
not have known what was going on there. It would cer- 
tainly have been interesting to have listened as his " suc- 
cessor " explained the situation to him. 

The Puritans, as we say, did not discriminate between 
what was part and parcel of a corrupt, overladen, pom- 
pous, sacerdotal ceremonialism, — the growth of centuries 
of a towering, domineering priesthood, enslaving the peo- 
ple by greed and superstition, — and certain harmless de- 
vices and adaptations still left in the English Church, 
which, though they could not claim positive Scripture 
sanction and apostolic precept, had in them fitness and 
grace, and might help to devout impression, order, and 
discipline. As the Puritans devoutly read the New Testa- 
ment they learned from it that the Founder and Head of 
the Christian Church commissioned a company of men 
whom he had chosen, by themselves and their successors, 
to teach and preach to the world what he had taught them, 
— just- that and no more. These teachers were called 
apostles, evangelists, ministers, elders, presbyters, over- 
seers, bishops, — simply synonymous terms, without any 
gradations of office or dignity in rank, for they were 



XXvi INTRODUCTION. 

" all brethren." A company of men and women in any 
place, — Jews or Gentiles, — after listening to the teaching 
of the new religion, might gather together, and with a 
simple organization, under a competent, regular minister, 
— or, failing in that, edifying each other in exhortation 
and prayer, — might form a Christian church and admin- 
ister its discipline. Some men of years and gravity, called 
deacons, had special oversight over the poor and the work 
of charity. The Puritans found nothing relating to " cleri- 
cal habits or vestments," to a form of prayer and service, 
to an observance of the Lord's Supper as a commemora- 
tive rite by kneeling as in adoration at an altar, or to the 
drawing of a cross on the brow of an infant in baptism. 
The point must in fairness be granted that if the field and 
matter of variance between the Puritans and the prelacy 
and ceremonial of the Church of England were restricted 
to the New Testament, the Puritans could hold their 
ground. Able and candid prelates and scholars of the 
English Church have frankly admitted that it must look 
outside of the writings of the apostolic age for its full 
hierarchical and ceremonial system, and they plead for its 
right to do so. 

With such a meaning and purpose attaching in their 
minds to the " Positive Part of Church Reformation," we 
trace the course pursued in the institution and discipline of 
the First Church in Boston. Its founders adopted, as by 
spontaneous prompting, the Congregational Polity, simply 
and for no other reason than because it represented to 
them the precedent laid down for them in the New Testa- 
ment. They were constant readers and students of the 
sacred writings, and it was of supreme interest for them 
that no counsel or example there set forth should rebuke 
them for any willing neglect of it. The circumstances of 
their distant exile, their lack of all the paraphernalia and 



INTRODUCTION. XXvii 

furnishings of ecclesiastical ceremonial, and their straits of 
necessity, might well have excused their disuse of wonted " 
observances, and their recourse to any shifts of their own 
devising. But they sought no excuse, they offered no 
apologies for the course which they pursued. They had 
a fair, free field for the full trial of methods and the exer- 
cise of conscientious principles which, before their exile, 
had profoundly engaged their convictions. Puritanism 
had exhibited in England its animating spirit, and had 
indicated its own direction and ideals. These had been 
impeded and withstood in their development, and in the 
effort to realize them. Here they were free to assert 
themselves, and they did so. The result was that the First 
Church of Boston, the exemplar in this matter of all the 
early New England churches, became a Congregational 
Church. Its polity, widely at variance with that of the 
English Church, is substantially that of sects and commun- 
ions which vastly outnumber the discipleship of the Eng- 
lish Church on both continents, and still fairly divide it in 
Great Britain itself 

Just at this point, in the first acts that initiated the New 
England Congregational Church polity, we have presented 
to us a question which, whether it be regarded as reflect- 
ing severely upon the alleged inconsistency and insin- 
cerity of the Boston Puritans, or as merely involving an 
interesting historical fact, may engage our attention. 

The question is. How does the openly schismatic course 
pursued by the founders of the First Church, in their im- 
mediate and complete repudiation of the ecclesiastical 
methods of the Church of England, consist with the avowed 
and tender love, gratitude, affection, and yearning regard 
which they had expressed for it on leaving their native 
land? Here are some sentences from this parting address 
to the "Reverend Fathers and Brethren": "We desire 



XXVUl INTRODUCTION. 

you would be pleased to take notice of the principals and 
body of our Company, as those who esteem it our honour 
to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, our 
dear mother; and cannot part from our native Country, 
where she specially resideth, without much sadness of 
heart and many tears in our dyes, ever acknowledging that 
such hope and part as we have obtained in the common 
salvation we have received in her bosom, and sucked it 
from her breasts. We leave it not, therefore, as loath- 
ing that milk wherewith we were nourished there ; but, 
blessing God for the parentage and education, as mem- 
bers of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good," 
etc. 

These tender parting words were evidently the prompt- 
ings of a deep heart-sincerity. No motive other than the 
purest and the truest could have drawn them forth. There 
was a degree of magnanimity, too, in the utterance of 
them. Some of the exiles had felt the harsh dealing of 
the prelates and the spiritual courts of the Church of Eng- 
land. Much as they had owed to it, and much as they 
loved it, they were parting from it of their own free-will, 
in search of some Christian joys and privileges which they 
could not find in its communion. Still, the question is a 
pertinent one, — How could they at once thus actually rend 
the tie of fellowship with that church by disusing all its 
forms in institution and observance, and invent or establish 
their own widely different polity? 

In dealing with this question, the matter of most signifi- 
cance for us is that we have not a single word of explana- 
tion, much less of justification, coming from themselves as 
to the course which they pursued. This is the more 
remarkable as it was their most characteristic habit, their 
unvarying usage and principle, to debate, to discuss, to 
deliberately and patiently weigh, every proposition, scheme, 



I 



INTRODUCTION. Xxix 

and incidental measure involved in their enterprise. They 
ahvays had recourse to "papers" to mark the stages of 
that enterprise, and to note all its details and incidents. 
The " brethren " had equal and common part with the 
ministers in the laying of plans, the consultations over 
everything however trifling which concerned their relig- 
ious or secular interests, and nothing but Scripture argu- 
ments ever had weight with them. From these facts we 
might infer that such vitally interesting matters as related 
to the institution of a church body, the methods of organ- 
ization and discipline, and the conduct of public worship, 
were deliberately considered and discussed by them, and 
that any new or unwonted practices which they might 
adopt, would have been the topics of earnest conference 
in the religious meetings which were of such interest to 
them. But if any such papers were written, if any such 
debates were held, they have fallen into entire oblivion. 
If they had foreseen that their farewell letter would be 
quoted as testimony against them, they might have been 
at the pains to have left some record for their justification. 
In lack of it, their church polity seems to us to have been 
adopted spontaneously, with no dissent or objection, as if 
they regarded it as their natural and rightful privilege, 
when free, to follow a previous inclination and tendency. 

In a very interesting communication read before the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, January, i88i, by its 
President, Hon. Robert C. Winthrop (see published Pro- 
ceedings of that date), appears the following, dealing di- 
rectly with this very interesting question. 

" It has sometimes been inquired of me personally, how it was 
to be explained that Governor Winthrop, who had not only signed 
that farewell letter officially, and, as I think, written it himself, but 
had long been the patron of the little church at Groton, and pre- 
sented to its living, should have made no reference to the Church 



XXX INTRODUCTION. 

of England on coming here, but should have united without delay 
in the organization of a church of an entirely different form of 
worship and of a wholly independent character." 

In dealing with this very pertinent and significant ques- 
tion, Mr. Winthrop does not essay to reduce or qualify, in 
any degree, the fact that the honored Governor was a party 
to, and a conspicuous leader in, this immediate recogni- 
tion and establishment of the Congregational polity. Nor 
does he feel called upon to explain the course of his an- 
cestor in so doing, still less to vindicate his consistency. 
He refers to the loss of papers which might possibly throw 
light upon this exceedingly interesting and critical incident 
in the first religious arrangements of the exiles. Assum- 
ing, as he very justly might, that so grave a proceeding, as 
has been above intimated, could hardly have engaged the 
common sympathy and action of all concerned in it, with- 
out some preliminary consideration and joint understand- 
ing, Mr. Winthrop infers that the transaction may have been 
explained in those lost papers. He quotes, from some of 
the extant letters of the Governor, references to certain 
other letters to his brother-in-law Downing and others, 
that have not been recovered. These references, however, 
so far as they intimate the subjects of the lost papers, are 
to a journal, a " Relation " of the voyage, and certain busi- 
ness of the Plantation. The papers might well indeed have 
contained particulars relating to the entrance upon church 
institution, other than those which we have in Winthrop's 
printed journal, copied in the history given in the pages of 
this book in their proper places. But so far as the refer- 
ences to the contents of these lost papers make mention of 
their subjects or topics, not the slightest hint is given of 
any deliberation on their church affairs, or any allusion 
to the occasion or reason of their spontaneous adoption of 
a preferred polity. It may be suggested, likewise, that we 



INTRODUCTION. xxxi 

should hardly look to private letters for an explanation of 
transactions of so public and general concern as would 
lead us to seek for recognition of them on the pages of 
records where less important matters are fully entered. 

Here then were professed members of the Church of 
England organized and worshipping after another " pat- 
tern " than hers. Without any undue pressure of an 
argument that might be invalidated if we had certain in- 
formation which is lacking to us, we are left to recognize, 
in its full and unrelieved force, the fact that these former 
communicants of the Church of England, who had re- 
cently so tenderly apostrophized it, seem spontaneously, 
we may even say abruptly, without protest on the part of 
any one, and though without any known preconcert of 
action, yet as if with skill and ready adaptation, proceeded 
to do what Mr. R. C. Winthrop has so well described, 
" organize a church of an entirely different form of worship, 
and of a wholly independent character." Worship by the 
Book of Common Prayer, responsive services, reading of 
set Scripture lessons, priestly vestments, the altar-rail for 
the communion, the repetition of the creeds, the bowing 
at the name of Jesus, — are all set aside, and that too with- 
out explanation or apology for their disuse. Several of 
the early ministers of the Church had indeed received 
Episcopal ordination; but this was looked upon indiffer- 
ently, neither as an advantage nor a disqualification ; and 
when the Church, in a later period, was instituting, in the 
succession of its pastors, one who had not received such 
ordination, the fact does not appear to ha\'e been regarded 
as of sufficient consequence to have been recognized on 
the records. From that day to this, the First Church, 
with its succession of seventeen ministers, through its two 
and a half centuries has set them in office with substan- 
tially the same simplicity of method, elder and brother 



xxxil INTRODUCTION. 

ministers recognizing their accession to office according to 
Scripture direction : — 

" The things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, 
the same commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach 
others also." — 2 Tim. ii. 2. 

Two suggestions may here be offered to relieve, if it be 
worth the while, the abruptness and surprise to us of what 
seemed so spontaneous and harmonious to themselves in 
the institution of their church : — 

First, they availed themselves of opportunity, place, and 
means to put in practice, without any hinderance, convic- 
tions, tendencies, principles, and methods which had pre- 
viously engaged their wishes and their consciences. The 
practices which they disused were precisely those which, 
in their English home and church worship, they had dis- 
liked, objected to, and, so far as it was convenient or safe 
to do so, had reluctantly conformed to or even abandoned. 
Something very like to the mode of worship and religious 
fellowship in the First Church of Boston had frequently 
been anticipated in the old English homes and conven- 
ticles of the Puritans in their meetings for prayer and con- 
ference ; so we cannot but note how naturally they assumed 
and fell in with a method which had already become dear 
to them. 

Second, a more important suggestion, as bearing upon 
their consistency in the course which they pursued, is this: 
They evidently did not feel that they thus sundered the 
tie which held them to the Church of England in the only 
character and quality for which they would love or honor 
it, as representing to them the Church of Christ. In other 
words, they did not regard such institutional and cere- 
monial and other adventitious usages of their mother 
church as they had protested against at home and dis- 



INTRODUCTION. XXxiii 

used when they came here, as being essentially and vitally 
wrought into her identity as Christian. 

It would be irrelevant to discuss here the history of the 
struggle which has now run through centuries between the 
ecclesiastical and the distinctively Christian elements com- 
bined in the English Church. It has always had a repre- 
sentation of parties standing respectively for ritual and 
doctrine. A curious and almost ludicrous illustration of 
the popular fancy by which a single form or usage identi- 
fied with the Episcopal Church has come to stand as a 
symbol for the whole system, has been made familiar to 
us when, in some other denominational churches, the 
introduction of chants, of read prayers, or responses in 
service, has been met by the amazed question, "Are you 
becoming Episcopal?" If we owe to the Puritans the 
standing for the grand position that the English Church 
might still be the Church of Christ while disusing or 
leaving optional every form and exaction with which in 
conscience they could not comply, we may well confess 
their claim upon our respect. What other than this is 
the ground on which the late beloved and revered Dean 
Stanley based the comprehensiveness of his ideal Church 
of England? 

There were in the realm of England, at the time of 
the exile here, avowed and resolute Separatists from the 
Church who would not on any terms hold communion with 
it, and whose judgments against it were bitter and denun- 
ciatory. The founders of the First Church took pains to 
distinguish themselves, in feeling and spirit at least, from 
these Separatists. They called themselves Non-conform- 
ists. Till Archbishop Laud and other "Romanizing" 
prelates widened the breach and exasperated the alienations 
between themselves and the Puritans, there was ever an 
open prospect of conciliation, which was often again re- 



Xxxiv INTRODUCTION. 

newed in later times. The exiles here wished that those 
in sympathy with them who remained at home should be a 
tie of a still existing fellowship between themselves and the 
mother church. Roger Williams tells us that he refused 
to accept an invitation to become the teacher of the First 
Church because its members would not repudiate their 
former communion with the Church of England. And its 
members also declined to censure any of their number who, 
on revisiting England, renewed their communion. The 
inference seems to be clear. The exiles did not regard 
those fortuitous elements in the order and discipline of the 
Church of England against which they had objected, and 
with which they had more or less failed to conform while 
they remained in its communion at home, and which they 
wholly disused here, as at all essential to the validity of its 
existence and identity as the Church of Christ. They be- 
lieved that a further cleansing of its ritual and ceremonial, 
while making it less Roman, would leave it the more Chris- 
tian. If this is a fair construction of the attitude in which the 
Boston Puritans placed themselves towards their mother 
church, it would seem that in their time, however it may 
be in our own, their course could be censured as incon- 
sistent and schismatic only by ascribing to the ecclesi- 
astical authorities at home the assumption that certain 
sacerdotal and ritual injunctions were of equal importance 
with the vitalities and sanctities of the Christian religion, 
as identifying the Church of Christ. 

The positive and absolute rejection by those covenanted 
in the membership of the First Boston Church of the 
whole theory and practice of prelacy and the old ecclesi- 
astical system, of course compelled them to adopt a sub- 
stitute authority and method for such institution as their 
loyalty to Christ and his Gospel made essential to their 
fellowship in instruction, worship, and communion. If we 



INTRODUCTION. XXXV 

would fully understand and fairly appreciate the course 
which they pursued in their Congregational polity, we 
must recognize the thorough sincerity and conscientious- 
ness which guided them. It was not by the leadings of 
their self-will or by the exercise of their own ingenuity 
that they undertook their reconstructive work. They 
had the material and the plan for it which to them were 
of divine furnishing. They were to follow a " pattern " 
answering in the Christian dispensation to that of Moses 
in the Jewish. The New Testament Scriptures, supreme 
in their authority, were sufficient for them. The conscious 
intrusion, adoption, or exercise of any fancy, device, or 
adaptation of their own, to help out any supposed lack 
of scriptural direction in any important matter, would 
have shocked them as an impiety. There was, indeed, an 
assumption involved in the course pursued by them, a 
taking for granted of a fundamental position, which, as has 
been already noted, was not then cleared of controversy, 
and which has ever since remained open for variance and 
discussion. Their assumption was that they would find in 
the New Testament Scriptures the rule and direction for 
everything essential and allowable for the organization, 
administration, and discipline of local Christian churches. 
In this assumption they set wholly aside the fundamental 
theory of the ecclesiastical system of the Roman, and to a 
qualified degree, of the English Church, of certain apos- 
tolical authority transmitted through oral directions, tradi- 
tions, institutions, usages, and sacerdotal sanctions, which 
was co-ordinate with, if not paramount to, the partial and 
incomplete instructions given in the Scriptures. The Eng- 
lish Church recognized something of this traditional and 
institutional authority external to the New Testament 
Scriptures, but relied upon a vague and arbitrary limitation 
of it, as to the period of time, the matters of institution and 



XXXVl INTRODUCTION. 

discipline and the ecclesiastical practices which it might 
cover, on the assumption that if we had not explicit 
scriptural sanctions for them, " primitive " usage warranted 
the belief that they had the sanction of the Apostles. The 
Puritans stoutly refused to allow that the Scriptures were 
thus incomplete and insufficient. They might well have 
been reminded, when they rehed so confidently upon hints 
and counsels gathered from the Epistles in the New Testa- 
ment, that those letters were not addressed to the Church 
at large, but to local communities, as at Rome, Ephesus, 
Colosse, Thessalonica, and that each of them implied pre- 
vious supplementary and oral instruction and direct over- 
sight from the Apostles who had founded and visited them ; 
so that the reading of those letters at a long distance of 
time and by strangers would present some of the same 
embarrassments which one would meet in perusing a letter 
from the post-office not addressed to himself, and relating 
wholly to another person's affairs. 

Still nothing but Scripture and nothing beside Scripture 
had authority for the Puritans in instituting and disposing 
their church polity. Every element of the ecclesiastical, 
sacerdotal, and ceremonial system which had been wrought 
m with faith and observance was subjected to the Scripture 
test, and if not fortified there, it was rejected. For every 
principle, injunction, and usage adopted in their system 
they were ready to produce a Scripture warrant. Any one 
who has dutifully though wearily read over but a portion 
of the pages of their manifold little tractates, or of their 
folio " bodies of divinity," can but stand amazed at the 
keen-sightedness, the ingenuity, the acuteness, the marvel- 
lous industry with which they " searched the Scriptures " 
for precedents, for guidance, for answers to objections, and 
for arguments. The Puritans insisted that all priestly 
functions for Christians to recognize centred in Jesus 



INTRODUCTION. XXXvii 

Christ alone. All assumptions of sacerdotal powers, in 
ordination, in administration, in hearing confessions and in 
granting absolution by those who were simply ministers, 
teachers, were trespasses upon the prerogatives of the one 
only Chief Priest, Jesus Christ. Keenly and closely was 
the claim contested against prelacy, that one class of supe- 
rior clergy, descending in a direct apostolic line, had exclu- 
sive authority to ordain and commission other clergy, to 
whom, by " laying on of hands," they conveyed " the gift 
of the Holy Ghost," which God alone could impart. They 
read that the chief of the Apostles, Paul, " called by God " 
to his high work, kept himself aloof from the other Apostles, 
as if jealous of depending upon their recognition. And as 
to his ordination by the " laying on of hands," instead of 
looking to either of the other Apostles for this service, the 
Puritans read that whatever its significance, the office was 
discharged by one who is described as " a certain disciple 
at Damascus, named Ananias" (Acts ix. lO, 17). And 
again, when Barnabas and Paul were to be " separated " for 
a special work, the ceremony was performed by " the lay- 
ing on hands," not of the Apostles, but of " certain prophets 
and teachers at Antioch " (Acts xiii. i, 3). The Saviour 
had likened the preaching of his gospel to the sowing of 
seed. Its growth and fertility depended upon its own 
vitality and upon the nature of the soil which received it, 
not at all upon a form answering to ordination, which should 
qualify a particular class of husbandmen to sow the seed. 
The Puritan did recognize the propriety and dignity of 
formally greeting the accession of each new candidate in 
the line of the ministry to the fellowship of his brethren. 
His qualifications of mind, character, and spirit were be- 
lieved to come from God alone. " The laying on of hands 
by the presbytery " was the respectful act of confidence 
and sympathy by which his elders, of proved experience 



Xxxviii INTRODUCTION. 

and esteem in their holy calling, received him to a common 
ministry. 

Very dear to these old Puritans was the privilege of 
choosing and instituting their own religious teacher, and 
of regarding him as one of the brethren in their church 
fold. Among the disapproved usages of their mother 
church was the one which they thus repudiated, by which 
" the lord of the manor" or the " patron of a living " was 
allowed to " present " an incumbent or a vicar, who might 
be a man of corrupt character, ignorant, incompetent, and 
immoral, but over whose tenure of office his unwilling 
parishioners had no power. 

It will be observed that in the extracts made from the 
records of the church, in connection with the pastorates of 
the successive ministers, distinct notice is taken of the num- 
ber of baptisms, and of those admitted to partake of the 
Lord's Supper as members in full communion. Though 
in the course of years and in the gradual changes of opin- 
ion and belief, the relative importance of these especial 
tests of the fidelity of the ministers and the sympathetic 
response of the people was largely reduced, yet those lists 
of the baptized and the covenanted were among the most 
significant entries on the record of the first Puritan churches. 
This suggests a statement on which, as an historical point, 
it would be difficult to lay undue stress. Among the most 
distinctive elements of the Puritan Church polity, as depart- 
ing from that of the English Church, was one which was 
vastly more efficient in its practical working than was even 
the rejection of prelacy and the disuse of the ritual cere- 
monial in worship. It was the Puritan view of the intent, 
and the proper subjects of the sacraments of baptism and 
the Lord's Supper. A stern fidelity to their own convic- 
tions and to what they believed to be the scriptural doctrine 
concerning these ordinances was in fact the occasion, after 



INTRODUCTIOxN. XXXIX 

full trial and experiment, of some of their most serious 
annoyances and difficulties. Their attempt to enforce a 
rigid adherence to their early rule in the administration of 
the sacraments, taken in connection with the provision that 
only church members could exercise the civil franchise, 
was in fact the leading cause of the discomfiture of the 
Puritan polity in Church and State. All the more just, 
therefore, is it that we should clearly apprehend the grounds 
of their radical and intense alienation from the old church 
usages in the sacraments, and of their earnest and tenacious 
preference of their own till experience had exposed their 
impracticable and indeed alarming results. 

In the English Church the rite of baptism was freely 
administered to every new-born infant. What might in 
exceptional cases be an assurance and aid of the subse- 
quent Christian nurture of the baptized child, but what in 
the vast majority of cases was necessarily a perfectly futile 
and empty pretence, was the provision of " godparents," 
or sponsors, to represent, to reinforce, or to be a substitute 
for the parental care and duty for a child admitted to the 
Christian fold. The formal, perfunctory, and often per- 
fectly heartless way in which this ceremonial was performed, 
entailing in practice no consequent obligations, did not 
need to be viewed with the keenest Puritan scruples to 
show itself as a painful mockery of a real solemnity. Then 
at any time after the age of early childhood, the baptized 
boy or girl, after some preparatory catechetical instruction, 
which might or might not have engaged heart or con- 
science, was, by " confirmation, when the bishop made his 
visit," received into full communion of the church, with 
the privilege of partaking of the Lord's Supper, hence- 
forward a Christian for life and death, to be buried in 
assured hope of a blissful immortality. 

If these easy terms of securing membership of the Chris- 



xl INTRODUCTION. 

tian fold, with an implied pledge of salvation, had not been 
sufficient of themselves to engage the protest of the Puri- 
tans, pleading for a more thorough reformation of Romish 
practices in the English Church, the lightness, formality, 
and promiscuous method of the observances, and the in- 
difference, heedlessness, and laxity with which solemn sacra- 
ments, " the seals of a holy covenant," were administered 
to persons of a notoriously corrupt life and " unregenerate," 
were of a character to shock them. There was not only 
an indulgent liberty, but a compulsory requisition con- 
nected with the observance of these ordinances, which the 
Puritans believed to be an irreligious, indeed, a scandalous 
offence. They were well aware that men of deep shades 
of impiety and without concealment of their vices, as a 
condition of place, privilege, or office, knelt at the altar rail 
unabashed in manner and seemingly with untroubled con- 
sciences. Far more effort and discipline were enforced in 
the English Church in exacting a regular observance of 
the ordinances than in testing the fitness of partakers in 
them. 

The two sacraments were to the Puritan "seals of the 
covenant," of the most precious, solemn, and awe-inspiring 
character. One who, from these remote years and amid 
these changed surroundings, could be carried backward 
to stand as an observer of either of the Christian rites in 
the first wilderness church here, would have witnessed the 
working of emotions and convictions which it is more than 
difficult to realize now. The form of the rites stood for 
little, if for anything, with the Puritan. Any mummery, 
costume, attitude, or pretence of magical efficacy con- 
nected with them, the sign of the cross, or the putting 
words into the mouth of an infant by a proxy, was odious 
to them. The parent was to be the one to renounce the 
devil and all the sinful vanities of the world for the child's 



INTRODUCTION. xll 

sake. The Puritan would not lay the baptismal water 
upon the brow of an infant unless both the parents had 
been previously pledged, by their own vows, to keep it in 
the fold of Christ. Instead of godparents the whole 
fellowship of the church were to share with father and 
mother in all-loving covenant fidelity in the nurture of the 
child. At any after age till its death, an open account was 
kept with and for that child on the church book. Yet it 
was only so far a Christian as privilege, expectation, and 
obligation prepared the way for a renewal of the covenant 
by coming to the Lord's table. That table, the Supper of 
the Lord, was guarded in the approach to it, and in the 
relations of watch and ward into which partakers of it 
were brought with each other, as of the utmost sanctity. 
The Puritans very soon gave over the intense zeal with 
which, at an early stage of the Reformation, they contended 
against the Roman doctrine of transubstantiation. The 
faith of the Romanist required that in the holy wafer he 
should receive, through his lips, a portion of the real body 
of the Lord. The Puritan was concerned that the saving 
grace of Christ should be livingly appropriated by his 
heart. It was his aim and solemn purpose that in every 
assembly gathered for Christian worship, instruction, and 
edification, and testifying so far, by their presence and sup- 
port of religious observances, that they had some regard 
for sacred things, there should be an elect fellowship of 
such men and women as had been individually and sol- 
emnly pledged and covenanted to a Christian testimony 
and discipleship. Such was the membership, by indi- 
vidual conversion, by regenerating experience, and by 
solemn personal vows, of the local churches of Christ, as 
related in the Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles of the 
New Testament. Churches were to be constituted of 
"saints"; that was the Puritan belief. But how was the 



xlll INTRODUCTION, 

assurance of saintship to be reached and certified ? What 
were its tests, and who were to be judges of its reahty? 
The Puritans found their guidance on this matter, where 
alone they looked for it, in the pregnant examples of the 
offering of candidates and the initiation of individual men 
and women into church fellowship under the Apostles. 
We have read of certain secret societies, from the Middle 
Ages downward, — of templars, craftsmen, revolutionists, 
nihilists, and others, — in which, at the initiation of mem- 
bers, in hidden resorts, at midnight hours, some horrifying 
or blood-curdling rites of ceremony, with oaths and impre- 
cations, have been engaged to strike terror and to secure 
fidelity. Bating all that was dramatic, uncanny, or impious 
in these initiatory rites, one may safely affirm that their 
power over the feelings of candidates, their searching inqui- 
sition into motives, purposes, and resolves, did not exceed 
that of the Puritan ordeal in receiving to church communion 
new members as regenerate and sealed witnesses for Christ 
and heirs of his salvation. Instead of seeking the shadow 
of secrecy or withdrawal from public gaze and scrutiny, 
the Puritan process, which was too bare and severe to be 
called a ceremony, sought the most free and open observ- 
ance. The candidate, previous and up to the moment of 
admission, was one of a mixed and miscellaneous congre- 
gation. Before that congregation, in connection with an 
occasion for public worship, the man or woman who sought 
to be received into the elect fold rose when called up by 
name. The momentous and perfectly voluntary character 
of the transaction was safely relied upon to deprive it of 
all ostentation, to insure modesty and propriety, and to 
furnish audible and fit speech even to the most shrinking 
in delicacy or reserve. Then, in the phrase of the time, 
testimony was given by the candidate to a certain experi- 
mental and converting work of the Holy Spirit upon heart 



INTRODUCTION. xliii 

and conscience, with searching exercises, with compunc- 
tions, conflicts, rebukings, and penitential motions, — the 
disclosed history of a soul and life under God's hand, and 
the expression of a humble hope, after a passage through 
a dark way, of having attained through trembling and 
weakness to a joyful light. Any one in the whole congre- 
gation, listening to this testimony, not only had the liberty, 
but as of right and duty was expected to use the privilege, 
of challenging the candidate, of exposing any blemish, 
infirmity, or inconsistency in the character or " walk " of 
the candidate, any bad habit, any unconfessed error, any 
manifestation of spirit, in public or in private, which made 
the claimant for church membership unworthy of full con- 
fidence. The ordeal must have been most severe and 
painful to many, whether only from diffidence or tender- 
ness of conscience. Jealousies, grudges, suspicions, and 
alienations between persons whose whole daily lives and 
intercourse were so open to eye and tongue, had a free 
range for their exercise. Only the consciousness of seri- 
ousness and sincerity of purpose would seem to have forti- 
fied a candidate, man or woman, to meet that ordeal. The 
exaction of it must at least certify to us the lofty standard 
and aim of the Puritan style of piety. The whole method 
and process by which church membership was thus 
guarded and attained among them, are subject, in our retro- 
spective judgment at least, to the drawback and suspicion 
that, while even hypocrites and self-seekers might pass the 
ordeal, in the condition that the civil franchise was made 
dependent for men upon this church relation, there would 
always be room for distrust as to perfect singleness of pur- 
pose. We know as an undisputed fact that this union of 
church and civil privilege wrought mischievous conse- 
quences in two directions. It kept out of coveted religious 
fellowship many scrupulous, conscientious, and diffident 



xllv INTRODUCTION. 

persons who could not sincerely, or who would not, disclose 
the privacies of their religious experience in a way to sat- 
isfy the requisitions of the case ; and it admitted some to 
full standing whose verbal professions and pledges were 
all too easy terms for securing civil rights. 

The austere and watchful guardians over the purity of 
their church fold, well aware of the risks of shortcoming and 
of the lapse from covenant vows which might follow after 
the supposed crisis in the religious life had been reached, 
fortified themselves as well as they might against them. 
The method by which a candidate was admitted to the 
church, exacting as it was, was but the initiatory step in a 
continuous and keenly intrusive oversight and scrutiny 
which were thenceforward brought to bear upon each mem- 
ber, as to the tenor of his life and the constancy and fervor 
of his piety. The members were pledged in covenant to 
mutual " watch and ward," to help each other, alike by 
sympathy and encouragement and by inquisition and re- 
buke, to full fidelity. 

The records of the early New England churches — those 
of the First Church of Boston, however, not being so 
largely and in detail marked as are those of many of its 
sister churches for such entries — afford abundant evidence 
of the fidelity, at least, with which church "discipline" 
was enforced. Such contents on these records are fitly 
left where they are, perhaps in the interests of historical 
fidelity claiming a right to be preserved in manuscript, but 
with no warrant to be reproduced in print. They certify 
the fact that if that Puritan age with all its austerity was 
troubled and stained by scandalous tokens of the infirmi- 
ties and vices of human nature, there were some who were 
so confident and stable in their own integrity as not to 
shrink from throwing stones at bold offenders. We may 
marvel at the disregard of all delicate sensibility, and the 



I 



INTRODUCTION. xlv 

risks of corrupting those who were still unconscious of 
some evil ways, in the method of Puritan discipline, when 
before a whole listening congregation men and women were 
compelled to expose and confess their grievous lapses from 
decorum and morality. Nor will all be ready to admit that 
the sternness and unrelenting pressure of the inquisitors, 
or the awe-stricken horror of the auditors, indicated any 
unfamiliar yielding of the culprit to the adversary of souls. 
But we have to recognize a fidelity to an accepted standard. 
And who that is well informed in the case will venture to 
deny that these severe methods of church discipline, with 
the disrepute and the penalties which attended them, indi- 
cated a general conformit}', in social and neighborly rela- 
tions, in domestic life, and in private individual habits, to 
rules of virtue, to responsibilities of example, and to pre- 
cious safeguards which help to keep pure the springs of 
human life? Though, as has been said, the records of the 
First Church do not relatively contain so much matter of 
the sort that has been referred to, as do those of many of its 
sister churches, there are in them entries sufficient in number 
and in tenor to expose to us the fidelity with which cove- 
nant relations were enforced and exacted, and with which 
breaches of them, private or public, were visited. The 
charging of excessive prices for needful commodities ; the 
use of intemperate speech, reproaching, scolding, and pro- 
fanity ; the neglect of family worship or discipline, or of the 
due catechising of children ; irregular attendance at wor- 
ship or the ordinances ; excesses of apparel or luxurious 
living, — such as these are what we should call the minor 
and less flagrant occasions of church discipline, in open 
congregation, for the sake of warning the listening flock. 
Of the graver offences, more or less scandalous, no men- 
tion need be made. The penalties were, a free confession 
of failings, apologies and proffers of satisfaction to the 



xlvi INTRODUCTION. 

aggrieved, admonition, and, in extreme cases, excommuni- 
cation. Nor can we fail to remark on these records, not 
only on occasion a spirit of gentleness and forbearance, 
but also the lack of any token of vengefulness or cruelty. 
An easy and kindly way was always left open for the re- 
covery and restoration to full communion of the most 
grievous culprits, on their solicitation and full avowal of 
repentance and renewed purposes of fidelity. Indeed, in 
turning over these records a reader will hardly fail of an 
occasional hesitation as to whether some very grievous 
offender — for instance, like the sly, but serviceable Cap- 
tain Undcrhill — did not dupe his grave brethren — Win- 
throp among them — with an unctuous self-humiliation. 

The Puritan estimate and observance of the Sabbath, or 
Lord's day, are to be regarded in connection with their dis- 
esteem and rejection of all the other occasions on the 
church calendar for public religious offices. They com- 
bined the Jewish and the Christian one day in seven in 
their devout regard, not believing that the substitution and 
consecration of the latter at all impaired the obligation or 
sanctity of the mode of observance of the former. It was 
but a change of days, not a reduction of authority or a 
diminution of observance. The sanctification of a Sabbath 
rather than of t/u^ Sabbath was for them a divine ordinance 
of world-wide and permanent obligation. They at once 
imposed it, so far as they could, even upon the wild Indians 
of these woods. They found it in the commandments an- 
ticipating the Jewish polity, which was instituted only for 
an age and a nation. They saw no reason for limiting or 
qualifying the command about the Sabbath any more than 
the command to commit no murder. And the command- 
ment for the Sabbath had two clauses, the one enjoining 
that one day in the week should be consecrated to holy 
rest, while the other six days should be given to secular 



INTRODUCTION. xlvii 

duties and industry. They found the church . calendar 
laden and crowded with holy days and holidays, — wholly 
without warrant or example in Scripture. A discriminat- 
ing selection from them, if anything of devout, decorous, 
consistent, and edifying observance could have been con- 
nected with some of these days, might perhaps have con- 
ciliated the prejudices of the Puritans, as some of their 
descendants of this generation take kindly to two of these 
"church days," — Christmas and Easter. But the calendar 
as a whole could not claim their reverence, their respect, 
or even their tolerance. There were names upon it of 
doubtful sanctity. " Lying legends," frivolous fables, trivial, 
demoralizing, and even profane elements of superstition and 
grovelling credulity and imposition, had for ages been over- 
laying the simple historic Church of Christ. Pious frauds 
gave an immense power to those who were skilled in all the 
arts of priestcraft. Holy wells, roadside shrines, sham rel- 
ics, beguiled the fond confidence of an ignorant and stolid 
peasantry, which was availed of for extorting from them 
no small portion of their frugal means. Priests claimed to 
have power over the destiny of the soul when it was pass- 
ing from the body and after its release from mortality. 
More than all, the austerity and thorough sincerity of the 
Puritan standard of piety, in contrast with the easy lax- 
ness of the church system, found cause of grievous scandal 
in the utter inconsistency between the professed sanctity 
of the occasions of observance on the church calendar and 
the unseemly and demoralizing indulgences allowed upon 
them. " If you are commemorating a saint, or a sad or a 
grateful event in gospel history," said the Puritan, " let 
your doings and your rejoicings be in harmony with it. 
Your revels, mummeries, wassails, and jollities are but a 
mockery." By returns made to Parliament in the Puritan 
age, it appeared that all the jails and lock-ups of the king- 



xlviii INTRODUCTION. 

dom on the days following Christmas contained more vic- 
tims of debauchery, rowdyism, and violence than at any 
other period of the year. This is the historical reason and 
warrant for the neglect of church days by the Puritans, 
while they compressed into their observance of the " Sab- 
bath " enough of religious solemnity, instruction, and disci- 
pline to last till the next return of the day. Nor, as it has 
often been satirically and sharply charged against these 
Puritans, was there any inconsistency between their rejec- 
tion of church days and their observance of Fasts and 
Thanksgivings of their own appointment. They found 
their full warrant for these, as for all their characteristic 
tenets and practices, in the Scriptures. Individuals, fam- 
ilies, and groups of kindred in Puritan households conse- 
crated Fasts and Thanksgivings on occasions of their own, 
when deep sorrows or gracious blessings came to them, as 
of Divine appointment. And in the united and public 
experiences of the Colonists, from their first year on the 
soil, there were alternations of visitation or relief which 
struck so deeply into their dread or gratitude that they 
could not but come together in their assembly to weep or 
to rejoice. When starvation stared upon them ; when the 
blight or the murrain, the drought or the tempest, the con- 
flagration or the earthquake, the prowling savage, or the 
foreign enemy, or their own dissensions, struck dismay into 
all hearts, — what were they to do but to humble them- 
selves in abstinence and prayer ? And when " seasonable 
showers," fair, full crops, and laden ingatherings displayed to 
them the bounty of Heaven, what could they do but make 
return in their prayers of thanksgiving and in the strains of 
their rude psalmody? He would need to exercise a most 
candid and comprehensive judgment who should undertake 
to pronounce upon the general qualities of good or ill in 
the distinctive elements of Puritan observance, in household 



IxNTRODUCTION. xHx 

life, in the training of the devotional sentiments, and in 
the guardianship of public morals. Certain it is that only 
their type of piety and morality was equal and fitted to 
their stern enterprise. 

The full issue and outcome of the method of church 
institution, organization, and discipline initiated by the 
founders and members of the First Church in Boston, was 
what has since been called Congregationalism, as dis- 
tinguished from the prelatical system. The fellowship 
here formed would have been far from claiming that 
there was any novelty in its method, or that in any single 
feature or principle of it, it would have the character 
of an untried experiment. They heartily and profoundly 
believed that they were reviving the original, apostolical, 
scriptural pattern of a Christian Church. Nor was it only 
here, or for the first time, that in the planting of the First 
Church in Boston there had been an intent of reverting to 
the original pattern of church institution. There had been 
many previous examples of it in Protestant countries on 
the continent of Europe, several in scattered, humble con- 
venticles in England. And on this New England soil the 
same method had been substantially adopted ten years 
before by the fragment of the Leyden Church at Plymouth, 
one year before by the church in Salem, one month before 
by the church in Dorchester, and a church was instituted 
in Watertown on the same day as was that in Boston. The 
most full and emphatic recognition of what seemed to be 
novel principles of church institution was, however, made 
here. The conspicuous position of this Boston church, 
the influence and character of its members, and the eminent 
qualities of its first ministers, as has been said, gave it the 
lead as an example to be imitated, and makes it responsible, 
speaking in general terms, for the setting up and enforcing 
of Congregationalism as the New England church pol- 



1 INTRODUCTION. 

ity. The field was free for the experiment. Opportunity 
favored. The readiness and earnestness with which the 
opportunity was turned to account show how strong were 
the impelHng motives to it, and how well prepared were 
those who engaged in it to insure success for the under- 
taking. And we should note with emphasis the very sig- 
nificant fact, that though it seemed to be among the prime 
essentials for the exercise of the zeal and ingenuity of the 
Puritans, to keep themselves constantly occupied and troub- 
led about the incidental workings of their church system, 
they never manifested the slightest distrust or dissatisfaction 
with its fundamentals, or betrayed any backward lockings 
or longings toward sacerdotalism or ceremonialism. Their 
simple concern was to become more and more complete 
and consistent in their Congregationalism. How thoroughly 
the First and all the other early churches of Massachusetts, 
at least, had become weaned from the sacerdotalism and 
ritualism of their mother church, is manifest to-day in the 
characteristics of the heritage which they have left here. 
Notwithstanding all there is of grace and beauty, of dignity 
and devoutness, of adaptation and comprehensiveness, in 
the present Episcopal Church, the soil of Massachusetts 
and the qualities and habits of its native population have 
proved so utterly uncongenial with it, that there are at this 
time scarcely more than a score of flourishing parishes of 
that communion, free of debt and hard struggles, now in 
the limits of the State, while the majority of the rest, 
served by most devoted and earnest ministers, are mis- 
sionary eff'oi'ts. 

It consists with the frame of spirit of some critics and 
historians in the Episcopal Church, when reviewing recent 
exponents of the Congregational polity, to ridicule it as a 
modern novelty, without three centuries of life, — a discov- 
ery and invention of quite recent date, compared with the 



INTRODUCTION. \\ 

hoar antiquity of the church system. It is hard to believe 
that these gibes and sarcasms are characteristics of the 
ignorance rather than of the conceits of those who utter 
them. The Puritans were concerned to identify their sys- 
tem with only one stage of antiquity, and that one, as they 
fully believed, at least one generation back of the starting- 
point of the prelatical system. It may be stoutly affirmed 
that if ever an intelligent, scholarly, and earnest body of 
men, with profound religious purposes to move them, 
were engaged in any work in the results of which they 
found full satisfaction, such a work, and so endeavored, was 
that of the Puritans, when with patient study, singleness of 
aim, and persistent prayer, they sought to revive, to recon- 
struct, and then strictly in every feature and element to 
adopt, the mode of church institution and discipline which 
they found in the New Testament Scriptures as those of 
the first Christian disciples and assemblies. 

Not the least among the grievances which the Puritans 
found in the exclusive and restrictive limitations within 
which the Church of England, as confessedly a reformed 
church cleansed from corruption, planted herself, was the 
reflection of disesteem and dishonor which she thus cast 
upon the other reformed churches on the continent of 
Europe. These also had sought to conform their constitu- 
tion and discipline to the New Testament pattern. What- 
ever penalties or disabilities, incident to the rupture of the 
unity of the mediaeval Church by the Reformation, they 
might have risked by having their lineage and descent in 
the ecclesiastical line cut off by disinheritance, they felt 
were fully compensated by their reversion to the original 
apostolic fold. In all the heats and passionate contentions 
and denunciations, the tempests and wars of the Reforma- 
tion epoch, Martin Luther, with equal calmness and as- 
surance, insisted that he belonged to the Holy Catholic 



Hi INTRODUCTION. 

Apostolical Church, — leaving out the Roman, — and that 
neither Pope nor Council, Emperor nor Devil, should 
alienate or excommunicate him from it. Our first church 
exiles did not leave out the word "English," in their tender 
parting from the abode of their mother church. But the 
epithet certainly did not stand with them as a substitute 
for the word " Christian." 

It was but natural that the prelatical party in the Eng- 
lish Church should have been disposed to retain some of 
the elements and usages of the old system. They had a 
large amount of ecclesiastical materials left to them for 
which they would be disposed to find some use. Parlia- 
ment had made over to them all the cathedrals and 
churches and abbeys, with architectural arrangements, 
ornaments, and symbols, designed for quite another form 
of administration and worship. The cathedrals have al- 
ways been of very little use to the Church of England, 
except for " enthroning" bishops and for musical festivals, 
built and enriched with symbolic devices, as they were, 
for solemn throngs and processional array. The travel- 
ler from this country is always impressed with the striking 
contrast between the interiors of English and Continental 
cathedrals, — the former exhibiting large vacancy, the 
latter abounding with adorned altars, and paintings and 
statues. But the English temples had " stalls," and as 
these had to be occupied, canons, prebends, and arch- 
deacons had to be provided. The meaning of these terms 
may be found in a good dictionary. There were chancel 
rails also, and these continued in use the practice of kneel- 
ing at the sacrament, leaving the mother church and its 
daughter in America uncommitted as to whether the rails 
enclose a communion table or an altar. Doubtless clerical 
habits and vestments were retained by custom and com- 
promise, as the New Testament afi'orded no pattern for 



INTRODUCTION. ] 



III 



them. So also the fond associations which the EngHsh 
people connected with some of their church festivals, 
their half-secular, half-religious sports, their games on 
village greens, their May-day, etc., were survivals from the 
past. The Charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company 
provided that its great courts should be held on " Hilary, 
Easter, Trinity, and Michaelmas terms." Those words 
were brought hither in the Charter, but never appear after- 
wards in our records. Not a child in the first generation 
of our schools could have defined them. How many 
could do so now? 

When we consider what charm in literature, in history, 
romance, and ballad, all allusions and associations attached 
to these English survivals of old sanctities and jollities 
have for us, and how in our wanderings in our old home 
we linger lovingly upon their scenes and memories, we 
can but marvel at the thoroughness of that weaning from 
them all in love and regret, which was marked and mani- 
fested by our first Puritan fathers here. After much read- 
ing even of the most private things which they have left us 
from their own pens, I cannot recall from them a single ex- 
pression of melancholy, or tenderness, or heart-yearning 
for all such things which they had left behind them. Their 
food of thought was sterner staff. Chief Justice Samuel 
Scwall, brought to this country as a boy in his tenth year, 
in 1 66 1, spent a year in England in his manhood, in 1688. 
We have his Journal there. There is more of romance, 
sentiment, and pathos in his rhapsody on Merrimac River, 
written afterwards, than can be found in that whole Journal. 
Even the Episcopal Church in this country presents many 
marked divergences in aspect, ceremonial, method, and 
observance from those of the mother church. It is often 
the murmur of some of its ministers who love parade and 
form, that it has become Congregationalized. Indeed it 



liv INTRODUCTION. 

would be difificult to point to any essential difference be- 
tween the method of its call, settlement, and tenure of office 
for its ministers, and those of Congregationalists. In noth- 
ing is a jealous watchfulness more observable than in the 
care of its laity, with whom substantially is the control- 
ling power, to limit the interfering agency of the bishop. 
It seems as if Puritan air was variously effective. 

Reverting again to the ancient records of the First 
Church of Boston, it may be observed that when compared 
with those of many of the early churches of New England, 
— kept by the pastors or other officers, — they are notice- 
ably meagre in their entries. We fail to find in them a 
recognition of many matters which, as we reasonably infer, 
must, as they transpired, have been of great, occasionally 
of exciting interest. Reticence, reserve, stinted notice, 
often silence, are observable, where like records are full, 
and exhibit excitement. 

Rich materials illustrative of the all-engrossing impor- 
tance of every detail connected with their religious feelings 
and usages by our early church members, are accessible, in 
our old church and parish records, to those curious in such 
researches. They exhibit with what sensitiveness, often 
strong resistance and sorrow, the nevertheless steady 
succession of changes and innovations in methods and 
customs was received before they gained tolerance or 
approval. With all their interest and mental energy con- 
centrated upon their religious affairs, in the lack of other 
resources for engaging their leisure and rest from bodily 
labors, they gave equal strength of feeling to their regular 
church routine and to anything which threatened to inter- 
fere with it, whether in the guise of improvements or in 
tokens of decaying zeal and love. So we may draw from 
most of the old Puritan church records a series of what to 
us may seem most trivial matters and occasions which dis- 



I 



INTRODUCTION. Iv 

turbed the peace of parishes, and foreboded or reaHzed 
ahenation and division. These too were largely wholly 
apart from the creed. The rebuilding of the early meeting- 
houses, with questions of change in the location ; the 
disposal of the congregation according to the social rank 
and dignity of the members ; the slightest modification of 
the wonted order of the exercises, or the method of pro- 
ceedings; the introduction of a pitch-pipe to start a tune, 
and of additional tunes for their harsh psalmody; the 
reading of the Scriptures without exposition ; the use of 
the Lord's prayer in public devotions ; dispensing with the 
relation before the whole congregation of private religious 
experience as a condition of church membership, and with 
the confessions of members under censure; the successive 
changes of the Psalm Book ; the addition of hymns of hu- 
man composition ; the allowance of foot-stoves and other 
heating apparatus, — all these, and a multitude of other 
changes and innovations, with the discussions and variances 
which they involved, cover many pages of these old church 
records. In such entries the records of the First Church 
are singularly deficient, and reticence is observable where 
we might look for some fulness of detail. In none of the 
sister churches has there been more, if even so much, of a 
quiet modification and adaptation of itself, in all matters of 
custom and usage, to the necessary changes of convenience 
or those which could claim good sense and reason for their 
allowance. Always excepting the direful commotion con- 
nected with the career of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson and the 
schism consequent upon the " Half Way Covenant," the 
First Church has had no quarrels, no imbittered internal 
strifes for record. The mild and wise advice of the ever 
venerated Winthrop easily disposed the threatened divi- 
sion about the site for the second meeting-house, and the 
church never had to call a council to reconcile any strife 



Ivi INTRODUCTION. 

among its members. Speaking relatively, we may say that 
self-respect, dignity, and a regard for peace and consistency 
characterize its internal history. These qualities are es- 
pecially marked in reference to developments now to be 
noticed. 

In the more recent years of the history of this church, a 
matter of much interest to such persons still among us as 
are concerned in tracing the developments of religious 
opinion, will attract attention in what will be called its 
" change of creed." The author of this renewed rehearsal 
of the line of its ministers, and of the principal matters 
chronicled in its records, has but briefly and incidentally 
referred to this subject. Some more extended notice of it 
may not be inappropriate here. 

Corresponding to the process by which the First Church, 
when it was planted, essayed to revert to the original, sim- 
ple, scriptural and apostolical pattern in church institution 
and discipline, its internal history presents to us another 
process in quite a different range of opinion, which, at 
least to those most concerned in it, was conscientiously 
held to be also a return to the early simplicity of the 
Christian system of belief. On the observance of the two 
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the church, there 
appeared, in some of the journals of different religious 
denominations, a few sharp criticisms reflecting upon its 
present doctrinal relations as having fallen away from the 
faith of the fathers to such a serious degree as really to 
have severed the tie of descent and kinship. So far as 
concerns a departure from and a disuse of the doctrinal 
symbols of their Puritan ancestry and the adoption of 
views which the Puritans regarded as heretical, the criti- 
cisms and censures have full justification. The catechism, 
the prayers, the preaching, the terms of admission to 
church membership, are not now, either in substance, 



INTRODUCTION. } 



vu 



tone, import, or conditions, what they once were. Hap- 
pily the original covenant, so sweetly and simply devout 
and fragrant in its phrase and aroma of piety, is still the 
same. And the church is still the same living witness and 
servant for the truths and works of Christ's gospel, never 
in all its history more earnest and diligent in such service, 
than flow, with its quarter of a millennium of years. 

For a hundred and fifty years of its history the church 
may be said, or at least inferred, to have retained the doc- 
trinal behef of its founders, as expressed in formularies, in 
the tone and language of devotional exercises, of sermons, 
exhortations, and standards for examining candidates. 
But those who have carefully searched in the primary 
sources of information the slow and gradual developments 
of opinion here on religious subjects, have found abundant 
evidence of the steady softening and modification of the 
old, sharp doctrinal beliefs. Reserve of utterance, a quiet 
silence on some matters, implied dissent, mark the passing 
away of shadows, till finally a bold and open rejection of 
views which were no longer accepted was the way of an- 
nouncing the attainment of new light. There was an 
acquired momentum in this movement just before the 
opening of this century. 

What is popularly known as the Puritan, or Orthodox, 
system of doctrine — and in recent years, by preference of 
terms, as "Evangelical" — was substantially wrought out, 
fashioned, and accredited for belief under quite a different 
philosophy of nature and of human life, and under quite a 
different estimate of the Bible, from those which now have 
an almost universal acceptance by intelligent persons in 
the exercise of serious thoughtfulness, with freedom and 
the helps of positive knowledge. This little globe of earth 
was then regarded as the representative orb of the universe, 
the suns and stars of heaven serving its use, as do our own 



Iviii INTRODUCTION. 

street gas-lights. The population of the globe and the 
religions of its inhabitants were unknown. 

Two fundamental and central doctrines underlaid and 
supported the Puritan, or the so-called Orthodox, creed. 

1. The Divine Being created only a single pair of our 
human race. All the uncounted millions that have since 
come from them have been by natural generation," they 
having all existed " in the loins of Adam," as the '•' Federal 
Head " of our race. God staked the result of the experi- 
ment as to the character and destiny of humanity upon the 
earth as the lineage of Adam, for all ages, upon the 
result of his trial of it. His lapse from obedience wrecked 
all his race, making them the victims of sin at their birth 
and the heirs of eternal woe. 

2. Instead of staying the progress of this awful calamity 
at its source, by substituting for the foiled experiment 
another under changed conditions, — as, for instance, dis- 
pensing with the serpent, — the infinite mercy of God, 
triumphing over his justice, had recourse to a mysterious 
scheme by which, taking a human form, he came to this 
earth and allowed some of our race to put him to death as 
a sacrifice to himself; though this tragedy of Deity by no 
means rectified or repaired the whole calamity of humanity, 
— only those elected by the sovereign decrees of God hav- 
ing the benefit of this Divine atonement. 

This Orthodox creed was elaborately wrought out, sys- 
tematized, and expounded in particulars, details, and ele- 
ments ; it was traced, stated, and certified by words, phrases, 
half-sentences, and sentences of the Bible, regarded as 
dictated verbally by God, and set in a mosaic of proof 
texts. Many who profess still to hold this creed with devout 
tenacity of belief wish the privilege of stating it themselves, 
and of doing so with explanations, qualifications, abate- 
ments, and palliatives which to them, at least, reduce the ter- 



INTRODUCTION. Hx 

rible significance that it has for those who utterly reject it 
This sensitiveness to a bald statement of the creed is a sio-- 
nificant intimation of a difference between those who pro- 
fess it to-day, and the calm, bold, unflinching spirit of the 
old Puritans who gloried in giving it the sternest expression. 
A very apt and momentous suggestion here presents itself. 
We know that the foremost among our Puritan ancestors in 
all heroism, fidelity, and sacrifice, who firmly held that creed, 
and rejoiced in it as lifting them in privilege and divine favor 
above the wretched votaries of all heathen religions, were 
men whose nobleness of spirit we revere, whose manly and 
Christian virtues have secured for us the fairest heritage on 
the earth, and to whom faithful philosophic historians of 
civilization accredit the highest service to the manhood of 
humanity and to popular liberty. We ask why they were 
not palsied and crushed in spirit by such a terrific creed. 
We can but answer that they were stiffened and reconciled 
to it by their intense, consummate, and all-enthralling loy- 
alty to the Sovereignty of the Supreme Being, who must 
work unchallenged his Divine will towards creatures who 
were but worms of the dust, hateful reprobates to be 
snatched only by a marvel of mercy from the yawning pit. 
Nor is it unfair to intimate that the most effective palliative 
to the terror of the creed was found in the belief that the 
most hopeful way of relief from its grim application to 
one's self was found in a desperate acknowledgment of its 
perfect equity and justice. One thing was certain, that the 
most direful infliction of doom would be visited upon those 
who doubted or stoutly denied its justice. The reason why 
the grim Puritan had no awe of man, prince or priest, 
monarch or pope, " whose breath was in his nostrils," and 
who was no way " to be accounted of," was because he had 
drawn his whole nature and being into absolute subjection 
to the dread Sovereign of Heaven. The Supreme Being, 



Ix. INTRODUCTION, 

in the Puritan thought of him, combined and exhausted 
all attributes of power, awe, and terror. Reverently bowing 
before the fulness of these prerogatives in him, they would 
not quail before any fragmentary assumption of them in 
priest or potentate. In the Puritan alone, of all churches, 
the fibre and tone of piety in men exceeded the prevalence 
of its spirit and manifestation among women. 

What proportion of the men and women in the Puritan, 
or in any subsequent generation trained under that creed 
as both law and gospel, heartily, thoroughly, and without 
reducing any of its terms, believed it, in the full sense of 
real heart-belief, it would be difficult to estimate. Nor 
would it perhaps be wholly fair to regard, for instance, the 
very small minority of the congregation of the First Church 
who, as the records in this history show, were received 
by covenant into church membership, as elect and saved, 
as defining that proportion. The influence of the creed is 
not to be measured wholly by that test. Where it did not 
win belief, it stirred a variety of impressions and feelings in 
those whose average of character and conduct was as 
upright and pure as was that of its firmest votaries. Con- 
sternation, terror, distressing mental and spiritual conflicts, 
doubt, and utter and defiant unbelief, were the phases and 
degrees of the effects wrought by the creed upon those who 
could not. or would not assent to it. But we are concerned 
chiefly with those who did, doubtless by most thorough 
sincerity of profession, accept the creed ; for it was through 
them and their successors, ministers and people, that the 
creed was softened, reduced, reconstructed, and finally sur- 
rendered. Of the mountain heaps in print and manuscript, 
devoted to what we call religious and polemical literature, 
which have come down to our time as a fragment of 
mightier masses of the old Puritan years, there is one 
most striking characteristic which beloncfs in common to 



INTRODUCTION. ]xi 

them all, — book, pamphlet, sermon, diary, or letter. They 
all give proof of an amazing activity, fertility, ingenuity, 
and restlessness of mind spent upon working over the 
creed, in explanation, readjustment, or vindication. The 
eftbrts made for an elaborate statement and exposition of 
the Puritan system in all its roots, branches, twigs, and 
foliage of organic life, and to expound and certify its doc- 
trines and inferences by the Bible, composed what were 
called " Bodies of Divinity." It was understood that one 
who had studied any considerable number of these mighty 
folios would be expected to produce another. There 
would have been no object in patenting or copyrighting 
either of these bodies of divinity, for nobody but the 
author of each of them would wholly approve it. Bossuct 
would have found a rare triumph in his theme, " On the 
Variations of Protestantism," could he have gathered but 
one in any hundred of these ponderous volumes in a 
library. 

It soon began to be realized that a general avowal of 
belief of the Orthodox system must be held consistent 
with infinite variations of opinion and construction, amid 
manifold expositions of its parts and elements. Hence 
the divisions of a sect into schools and parties. What 
appeared at first to have been mere branches of the central 
stock, striking off in somewhat eccentric growths, were 
soon found to have been secretly grafted and to be bearing 
fruit of a suspiciously heretical flavor. 

The processes and stages by which what is known, in 
our local history of the developments of religious opinion, 
as Liberal Christianity or Unitarianism, found acceptance 
among those who succeeded in membership and as pro- 
prietors of nearly all the ancient churches in the neigh- 
borhood of Boston, must be traced in other pages than 
these. In no one of these churches was the change 



Ixii INTRODUCTION. 

wrought more gradually, more quietly, more without 
notice or observation, than in the First Church. There is 
absolutely nothing found upon its records indicating even 
a disturbed harmony or a divided vote, as, in the election 
of successive pastors, degrees of rigidness, or of increased 
liberality of doctrinal belief or spirit, would make one 
candidate preferable to another. There were three parties 
in every one of the old parishes, each of which had dis- 
tinct influence and agency in the attitude assumed towards 
the gradual relaxing of the original Puritan creed : these 
were the minister, the members of the church in covenant, 
and the general parishioners or proprietors taxed to support 
the ministry, commonly called the congregation. It was 
because all three of these parties in the First Church 
shared equally in the modifications and softenings of 
opinion and doctrinal views, working through the com- 
munity, that the consequent adaptations in talents and 
belief which were needed in the pulpit were so placidly 
provided for. Sharp contentions there were in some other 
parishes consequent upon the relations assumed in either 
of the three following contingencies, or in combinations of 
them : the minister might retain the old rigidness of the 
creed, and by restricting accessions to the church, might 
keep that body steadfast to Orthodoxy ; the church itself 
might claim separate and paramount authority in the 
selection of a new minister ; the congregation, taxed for 
the support of the institution, might refuse to receive a 
minister whose views were objectionable to them. 

The First Church was served by a succession of minis- 
ters of native abilities, furnished with the best education of 
their times, and well trained in professional tastes, aptitudes, 
and sympathies. Besides holding as close fraternal rela- 
tions with their clerical brethren as do the priests of the 
Roman communion in their bachelor fraternities and their 



INTRODUCTION. \^l[[ 

secret councils, in which the laity have no share, they 
enjoyed what those priests do not, — the privileges of 
domestic life, and of intimate converse with their fellow- 
creatures in every grade and range of social condition, and 
especially with those of thought and culture. The com- 
pany of scholars was for a long time a limited one. The 
compass of literature, compared with what it is to us, was 
narrow, and nearly all of what was current here for a cen- 
tury and a half was theological. It was simply by bringing 
the action of their minds to bear upon the creed in which 
they had been educated, and noting the restlessness which 
it stirred in every effort to qualify or readjust it, that they 
outgrew its limitations. It has often been affirmed, that if 
our Congregational divines had been held to a form of ser- 
vice and the repetition of the creeds, they and their people 
would have been saved from heresy in various forms. 
But they would not by this process have been saved from 
that worst heresy, the profession by the lips of what is 
false to the mind and the heart. 

When th% human mind, in the earnest, intelligent, and 
conscientious exercise of its faculties, fixes its searching 
study upon what is offered to it as a creed, — a summary 
statement of tenets for belief, — two distinct processes may 
be defined for its inquiry. The first will engage upon the 
substance or contents of the creed, its propositions, their 
meaning, and their consistency with what is known or fairly 
inferred in other departments of truth. The second inquiry 
will concern the authority, the source, the sanction from 
and by which the creed is derived and certified. 

We do not hear now, nor have to plead to, as an earlier 
generation among us did, aspersions and prohibitions cast 
upon the exercise of our reasoning faculties in matters for 
religious belief The familiar protest once was, — and it 
was conclusive to our Puritan ancestry, — human reason has 



Jxiv INTRODUCTION. 

no rightful exercise upon truths or mysteries, doctrines or 
things to be bcHeved, which God has graciously revealed ; 
we have simply to accept them with humble submission 
and confidence. Honest and earnest men soon learned to 
answer that they were not challenging nor even reasoning 
upon God's ways and will, but simply the views and inter- 
pretations of them in religious doctrines, which were set 
forth in the words of other men. The only alternative to 
reliance on the exercise of one's own reason is reliance on 
the exercise of the reason of other persons, which, accord- 
ing to circumstances, it may be wise or unwise to yield ; 
and the willingness to do it is the result of the use of more 
or less reason. No form of religious faith, ecclesiastical 
or doctrinal, was ever recognized which did not at some 
stage of it require or engage the exercise of the reasoning 
power. Even when anything is entertained as " revealed " 
or miraculously communicated, reason steps in to infer, 
interpret, or apply. " The angel of the Lord appears unto 
Moses in a flame of fire out of the midst of a bush." 
Nevertheless, the sight is not interpreted for*him till he 
" turns aside " and makes a study of the wonder. There 
is a transparent fallacy in the plea, " If God has revealed 
this or that, no human being, child, subject of his, should 
question or dispute it." The question is thrown back and 
becomes, " Has God revealed it, and how and to whom? 
and how does he reveal it to me ? " Never was there a 
human being who would deny anything that he believed 
God had revealed. Under the firm and unswerving belief 
that God had revealed the articles of their stern creed, the 
Puritans, enthralled and subdued by the conviction, bowed 
themselves to a loyal and steadfast acceptance of it. There 
are millions of waiting and aching minds and hearts more 
than ready and willing to do the same to-day, if they can 
feel the same assurance of a revelation from God. But 



INTRODUCTION. Ixv 

when we examine the grounds and evidence on which those 
profound convictions of the Puritans rested, many find that 
they cannot in sincerity — the first quahty of all religious 
life and faith — admit that the tests, methods, and results 
of the reasoning powers of the Puritans are valid to them- 
selves. It is mere trifling to assert that this state of mind 
is peculiar to the avowed members of one denomination or 
fellowship of professed Christians, or to a class of persons 
called rationalistic, conceited, self-opinionated, and boastful 
of their mental freedom. It needs no argument or illustra- 
tion to certify to us the fact, familiar to our reflections and 
observations, that the different results rested in for creeds, 
by individuals and religious fellowships, are largely decided 
by the different starting-points, the assumptions made, the 
concession yielded, the matter taken for granted as true, 
from which they proceed to deduce or to add their further 
articles of belief. Different seekers, questioners, and rea- 
soners choose or adopt different starting-points, are ready 
to assume or to yield different assumptions or concessions, 
to consider different positions to be taken for granted or 
brought to the question. In this process some go farther 
back, so to -speak, are more inquisitive, more radical than 
others. The convert in training for discipleship in the 
Roman Church is expected to accept a certain theory as 
to the idea, the institution, and the authority of the super- 
natural society which Jesus Christ founded on this earth. 
The Protestant goes back of the assumptions here made 
for a starting-point, and puts them to the tests of search 
and evidence. 'Some bodies of Protestants start with cer- 
tain assumptions about the Bible ; other Protestants chal- 
lenge those assumptions and wish to be certified of their 
validity. Some pet phrases and forms of expression have 
a marvellous efficacy and potency for some minds, as for 
instance, " the form of sound words," or " the faith once 

£ 



Ixvi INTRODUCTION. 

delivered to the saints " applied to a creed. The glamour 
of the past, the fond and tender ties and filaments of asso- 
ciation with ancient forms of reverential belief, make more 
than acceptable, indeed very precious, to some devout 
persons, narrations which, if set in the light and glare of the 
actual present, would at once lose their charm and power. 
The Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children 
would sternly take in hand any bald-headed prophet whose 
" cursing " should in these days set two she-bears to tear 
forty-two little children (2 Kings ii. 23, 24). A modern 
ecclesiastical council, local, provincial, or ecumenical, is 
what the average and combined wisdom, discretion, and 
limitations of view of the members make it. Was it ever 
otherwise? True, the pleasant legend tells us that though 
only three hundred and eighteen bishops were summoned 
to the Council of Nicaea, and only three hundred and 
eighteen seats were provided for them, yet whenever the 
forms of the members were counted, the count always 
yielded three hundred and nineteen. The unsummoned 
and unseated visitant was the Holy Ghost. His ballot, if 
it could have been recorded, would have outweighed all 
the rest. 

We should have to look back to a date far beyond that 
of this famous council to find the earliest exercise of the 
activity and fertility of the human brain and fancy, in trans- 
forming the simple gospel of Jesus Christ, which began 
with the parables and the Sermon on the Mount, into the 
metaphysical, sacerdotal, and doctrinal system, which for 
so many ages has stood to represent the Christian religion. 
The highest and most satisfactory view — that which alone 
reconciles us to all the poor, mean, and imbittered elements 
of the strife — to be taken of the long contention between 
those who have called themselves Christians, is that the 
wisest and best of those who have had part in it have thus 



INTRODUCTION. Ixvii 

sought to work their way back to the substance of the 
original Gospel. They have wished to put themselves in 
the position and fellowship of those of whom it is written, 
" When He was set, his disciples came unto him : and he 
opened his mouth and taught them." 

The Roman Pontiff tells us that his church is of Divine 
creation, organization, and sanction, supernaturally guided, 
built up of materials and elements in harmony with its 
celestial origin. To one who searches the often repulsive 
pages of " church history," so called, the claim is similar 
to that which should assert that the great temple of that 
faith, St. Peter's at Rome, had a Divine architect and plan, 
was reared from consecrated quarries, endowed with the 
pure, free gifts of pious trust and gratitude, and made the 
holy shrine of a humble, self-denying, and unworldly devo- 
tion. We know well how heathen temples and palaces 
were spoiled, from wall to foundation, for the stone blocks 
of that temple ; how greed and extortion, the sale of " in- 
dulgences," and all the arts and appliances of superstition 
and priestcraft were plied to gather funds for its con- 
struction and lavish adornment ; and we know ho\v from its 
gilded pontifical throne there have gone forth edicts which 
have scourged the earth. The upbuilding, composition, 
and sway of the Roman hierarchy itself, the materials 
wrought into it, and the ends which it has been made to 
serve, are perfectly paralleled in that analysis of its great 
temple. The unbiassed and unprofessional reader of his- 
tory can trace the dates and processes by which each and 
every accretion, usurpation, priestly device, and ecclesiasti- 
cal extension of claim and prerogative Avas advanced and 
adopted in the Roman system; precisely as a local his- 
torian can inform us how a section of the earth, once 
virgin soil, was transmuted by time, civilization, art, and 
labor, into a great city, with all its noble and elevating 



Ixviii INTRODUCTION. 

institutions, and also with the means, temptations, and 
hiding-places which minister to other than the innocent, 
pure, and honest prochvities of human nature. 

And yet that Church, by the providential intervention 
and overruling which limit the range of the wrong and 
folly of man, has pages of its history, deeds and services 
of holy love and mercy, heroisms of sanctity and piety, 
consummate examples of every quality of nobleness and 
virtue, in grateful recognition of which civilized humanity 
will always reverently bow. But time and circumstances 
and occasion ripened the era when that church had to yield 
to the stern challenge of reformation. That process once 
begun has as yet found no limit or end. Christianity is 
the only religion ever known on this earth that could en- 
dure this process of reform. The Puritans thought they 
had set the model and standard for the completion of that 
work. But they left a doctrinal creed, in part the inheri- 
tance from the old ingenuities of human brains, and in part 
a contribution of their own sincere but bewildered piety, 
which has given serious perplexity and dismay to those 
who have come into their inheritance. 

There are those of their lineage in land, in homes, and 
in Congregational churches, knit in close sympathies and 
associations by the ancient platform, who still profess a 
steadfast loyalty to the doctrinal creed and symbols of the 
Puritans. A considerable portion of these maintain that 
the creed is an essential element of the Puritan system of 
church polity, and so that they alone, excluding their 
former brethren who are now called Unitarians, are entitled 
to the name and heritage of Congregationalists. There 
will be few who will care to throw much interest into this 
claim, seeing that there are all over this vast land large 
fellowships of Christians, under different denominational 
names, whose polity is substantially that of Congregation- 



INTRODUCTION. Ixix 

alism. Far more importance is made — by an incident for 
ecclesiastical history in this passing year — to attach to the 
searching question whether those who now represent Con- 
gregationalism, as above limited, verily hold to the old 
Puritan doctrinal creed and symbols. Certain very nat- 
ural, yet very embarrassing and perplexing experiences 
have brought this question into restless discussion among 
those whom it chiefly concerns. In the examination of 
candidates for the Congregational ministry, in the debates 
of councils and conventions, and in the published sermons 
and books of some of their prominent preachers, unmis- 
takable tokens of heresy, of more or less serious departures 
from and bold denials of the fundamentals of the old creed, 
have been constantly manifesting themselves. The occa- 
sions have been so frequent and of such notoriety in dis- 
cussion, and have been so annoyingly or mischievously 
played upon, that the representative men and the steadfast 
exponents of Congregationalism can no longer feel that 
they are faithful to themselves in failing to face an emer- 
gent demand on them. So, during this very year, the 
Congregationalists of this country, in general convention, 
provided for the selection and constitution of a large com- 
mittee of their most honored representative men, professors 
of theology in school and college, scholars, divines and 
pastors, charged with the trust of reconstructing or re- 
adjusting the terms, the phraseology, and the contents of 
their denominational creed. It may be an exigent, but 
it certainly is a most perilous commission, one beset with 
risks and apprehensions. It may be entered upon in har- 
mony, but with what spirit of demand and concession, of 
individual indulgence, and of general compliance it may 
proceed, and to what issue it will come, no human wisdom 
or foresight can trust itself to forecast. Nothing but a 
sense of high obligation to a constraining duty could have 



Ixx INTRODUCTION. 

secured sanction to the measure. One who will follow the 
developments with only a less degree of interest than those 
who are nearest to its central responsibility, can but wish 
most sincerely that the old Puritan honesty, fearlessness, 
and heartiness of purpose to be " fully persuaded in his 
own mind " may control the action of the committee, and 
may set for the belief of others only the standard which 
without qualification they accept for themselves. 

And here it may be that very many persons will real- 
ize a full sense of the mischief which was wrought when, 
for those who must have a creed, the Westminster Sym- 
bol, with all its daring and needless ventures upon the 
fields of scholastic divinity, was substituted for the so- 
called "Apostles' Creed." This latter symbol is so en- 
gaged with Divine personages and their relations, that it 
hardly makes any recognition of man, the human being, in 
his state and nature. It refers to him by implication only, 
as one whose sins may be forgiven, and whose body will 
rise from death. There is nothing about his fall, his birth- 
depravity, his state of ruin, his doom, or about the method 
of his deliverance. But, taken in the detail and sum of its 
specifications, its definitions and its affirmations, its positive 
assertions, and its unargued, undefended interpretations of 
Divine deeds and purposes, — what a subject for mental 
and spiritual task-work is the Westminster Symbol ! It 
was undoubtedly intended that the Scripture references to 
book, chapter, and verse, attached as " Proof-Texts " to 
the doctrinal statements of the creed, should be a fair 
digest of the whole teachings of the Bible. We all know 
that such detached and dislocated sentences and passages 
of ihe Book present quite dift'erent impressions when read 
by us in their places and interpreted by " the harmony of 
the Scriptures." So manifold, indeed, are the lights and 
shades of the attributes and purposes of God, as presented 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxi 

in different parts of the Bible, that sentences of an incon- 
sistent and even directly opposite tenor might, in very- 
many important cases, be set against the " Proof-Texts " 
which are cited. One or more members of the revising 
committee may well be charged with special attention to 
this matter. And while the patient, earnest toil of chosen 
divines is to be given to this work, how are other classes of 
the world's great thinkers and teachers engaged in their 
different but as earnest searchings for high and needful 
truth about things human and divine ! What questions 
crowd upon them! — " Can we ascribe Personality to the 
Power working in and through the Universe? Is anything 
knowable of God? Can any human being trust him- 
self to interpret God's purposes and ways, or to formulate 
propositions about him? Was the origin of the human 
race in Unity or in Diversity? Is man a specific creation, or 
the issue of development or evolution? W^as a degree of 
civilization or a state of abject barbarism his first state on 
the earth? Does a law of responsibility apply to man, any 
more or other than relatively applies to brute creatures? 
Is there ground or reason for a belief in a future life for 
man?" These and many other like searching and fearless 
questions, ploughing deep under the roots and foundations 
of all religious creeds, are tossed into the arena of public 
debate. They engage the thoughts of the profoundest 
philosopher, and of the artisan, the mechanic, and the 
husbandman who has an active brain. While these ques- 
tions, in debate or in decision, run through all the most 
fresh and current literature of the age, a group of selected 
scholars and divines are to readjust the contents of the 
Symbol of the Westminster Assembly of Divines, to guide 
on the religious believings of men and women till the 
indefinite time when a like labor may be needed and 
repeated. We have been made to understand how pro- 



Ixxii INTRODUCTION. 

foundly, either with full intelligence or with dull apprehen- 
sion, the revision of the English text of the New Testament 
has moved the English-speaking world of men and women. 
The proposed readjustment of the Orthodox creed will 
engage and stir a deeper anxiety, and will involve vastly 
more of restless and passionate variances than have as yet 
engaged public attention since the circulation of the re- 
vision. To very many persons who are startled, if not 
shocked, by the freedom and positiveness with which the 
Westminster Symbol speaks of the methods, attributes, 
purposes, and decrees of God, this boldness touches upon 
irreverence. It has all the confidence which appears in 
the reports of interviewers who have pried into the secrets 
of great personages. 

It may be said, however, that those who are put in trust 
with this hazardous and exacting responsibility of read- 
justing the creed have a much more simple task. They 
can plead that they have nothing whatever to do with any 
of the radical and still debated and unsettled questions 
raised by philosophers and men of science. Their work is 
wholly aside from these, and will make no account of them 
whatever. They are to recast, qualify, rectify, and amend 
terms, phrases, and propositions of the creed solely by 
bringing it into closer fidelity to the spirit and teaching of 
the Bible. The Bible is still to them a revelation from 
God, accredited for all time, made more intelligible year 
by year, but parting with nothing of its sanctity, its author- 
ity, its supreme sufficiency for men as a Divine oracle. 
Of course there are those, steadfast and decided in what 
are to them convictions, who will be fully satisfied with this 
position. There are others, it remains to be seen in what 
proportion of those concerned, whose onward-looking views 
will be far from approving it. It is enough to say that the 
creed is committed to certain affirmations about the Bible 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii 

as a whole, and in the composition of its parts, the doubt- 
ing, quahfying, and denying of which enter into the fore- 
most of the heresies in the Congregational and its affiliated 
bodies which have induced the subjection of the creed to 
the process it is now to undergo. The Bible — precious 
beyond terms of all estimate as it is, the crown and glory 
of the world's literature, bedewed and endeared by the fond 
piety of ages, more august and revered for its rule and 
law than all statute-books — is not to our age and its rep- 
resentative scholars and divines what it was to those of the 
age of the Westminster Assembly. Prelates and scholars 
of the English Church, divines and professors of theology 
in the Presbyterian Church, and their peers and fellows in 
all biblical learning in the Congregational body, — the very 
men set in high places to guard and defend the sanctity 
and claims of the Bible, — have themselves reduced the old 
estimate of it. The recent revision of the text has broken 
the spell of that stark superstition which attached literal 
inspiration and infallibility even to a translation of it. It 
has been admitted, even when not insisted upon, that where 
at certain points its contents touch the sphere of certified 
secular history and of positive science, it is faulted. The 
human element, and what is more, the legendary and myth- 
ical-fabulous element, is allowed to have an intrusive place 
in it, and when this allowance is yielded, its application will 
simply be a question of less or more, according to individ- 
ual judgments. Other allowances are made on the score 
of figurative and Oriental imagery, and rectifications are 
introduced of dates and authorship of parts of the sacred 
volume. Such matters as these never entered even into 
the dreams of the Westminster divines. So, of course, 
their creed was constructed not only without deference to 
them, but as we may say in defiance of them. And a ques- 
tion striking even deeper than these must not be slighted. 



Ixxiv INTRODUCTION. 

When discussions arise upon words and sentences in the 
New Testament, as for instance on those which are used in 
arguing as to the doom of woe and horror for the vast major- 
ity of the human race, the question will not rest with asking 
merely the philology of the word Eternal, but will reach 
to examining the authority, the source of knowledge, and 
the infallibility of the writer of the words. How then can 
the readjustment of the creed be wisely and satisfactorily 
attempted without carrying the process into the modern 
estimate of the Holy Scriptures? The faith of millions in 
the Bible is still as their trust in the sunlight. But there 
is no occasion here for stating or urging the grounds on 
which, with multitudes of sincere, thoroughly informed, 
and responsible persons, its authority has ceased to be 
final on all religious subjects. 

It is easy, in dismay or perplexity, to utter the protest: 
"If we cannot believe the Bible, where are we? We are 
all adrift concerning all that is serious and solemn in 
human life ! " To say nothing of the fact that this has 
been and is now the case with the vast majority of the 
millions and millions of our race on the earth, the whole 
pertinency of the protest depends upon what is meant by 
belief in the Bible, and what are the grounds of that belief. 
It is certain that one condition of the validity of those 
grounds of confidence for those who share it will be the 
force and fairness with which they can commend them to 
other persons. At present the respective views which each 
of the two parties to an entire belief in the Bible seem to 
take of each other's position, as represented in our current 
literature, is as follows : The champion of the Bible says to 
the doubter, " Your pride of reason, your conceit, or your 
unregenerate heart leads you to reject the most precious 
gift of God to men." The doubter replies, " You believe 
because you allow your wishes and desires to persuade 



INTRODUCTIOxM. Ixxv 

you, on terms so easy and insufficient as to have no weight 
with others as seriously concerned as you are." The issue 
is momentous and intensely vital to the highest interests of 
humanity. A candid, generous, and tolerant spirit, with 
restraint of all impatient temper, and the wise use of 
means for attaining truth, are to be the mediators on this 
most serious of all discussions. One of the most impres- 
sive and bewildering of the real aspects of human life 
under its most civilized, refined, and favored conditions is, 
that between those who share the culture of thought, sci- 
ence, and wisdom, between those who meet courteously in 
all social relations, and even between those in the nearest 
and tenderest sympathies of a common family home, there 
is this appalling difference, that some are heaven-guided 
in trust and hope by a Holy Book, while others are drift- 
ing on unlighted seas without pilot or haven. 

This matter, however, has found its way into these intro- 
ductory pages, because of its relation to issues which 
divided here the old Congregational churches. The re- 
pudiated brethren will rejoice at least over their immunity 
in the responsibility for the recasting of the creed. 

It is not to be regretted that the piety of the Puritan type 
and tone has become extinct even here, where in its heroic 
age it planted what has become to us so privileged and 
secure a heritage. Its sincerities having weakened, its 
standards and usages may well be yielded up. Its age of 
thorough earnestness and conviction was short, hardly 
passing unreduced into a second generation. Even in its 
own most vitalized fellowship its effects on individual char- 
acter were softened or roughened by the traits and tem- 
perament of its disciples. In Cotton and Winthrop, men 
of mild and gentle spirit, with sweet restrainings of zeal 
and passion, we have the most winning exhibitions of a 
steadfast fidelity toned by humility and kindness, and 



Ixxvi INTRODUCTION. 

checked by a patient forbearance. In some of their asso- 
ciates and contemporaries, men Hke Endicott, Dudley, and 
Norton, austerity of creed, temper, and manner was not 
offset or reheved by the more gracious amenities and 
charities. 

What is lamented over often, as the decay of religion 
and piety in our times, is explained, reduced, and largely 
compensated by broader, more cheerful, more generous 
and practical views of religion, and especially by a more 
unselfish regard for it as a comprehensive and universal 
blessing of humanity. Starting with the fundamental of 
the old direful creed, that all of our generations were born 
under a curse, with the eternal sentence already passed 
upon them, it could not be otherwise than that the inten- 
sest religious interest, its supreme passion, should centre for 
the individual upon his own deliverance. Left to its own 
natural workings, that individual dread or hope has mani- 
fested itself in ways sadly repulsive to those of generous 
minds. There is something beyond measure odious in the 
selfishness by which the whole problem of the universe 
has been made for each single individual, here or there, to 
turn upon the salvation of his own soul, whatever fate 
befalls the uncounted myriads of the human race. It 
prompted the instinct like that of a rush to the long-boat 
from a crowded wreck. The image suggested is that of 
St. Peter's ship floating in a surging tempest. And this 
took the place of the Saviour's all-pitying love, and of the 
Father's house of many mansions. The approved Scrip- 
ture method for saving one's own soul is in saving the soul 
of some other person. But the method for personal, indi- 
vidual salvation came to be indicated as the avowal of 
some sentiment, or emotion, or inner experience, or assent 
to a doctrine, or " accepting Jesus." So that in result it 
could not but appear, in all outward seeming at least, 



INTRODUCTION. Lxxvli 

that persons not one whit less devoted than others to all 
worldly interests, gains, and rivalries, nor at all disengaged 
from the jealousies and frivolities of social life, were per- 
suaded to believe that they had been passed over the 
awful chasm that divides perdition from salvation, leaving 
those humanly dearest to them on the dark side. Why is 
it that we should assign, to the Infinite Father a classifica- 
tion of souls so different from what we ourselves acknowl- 
edge when we know that some of the purest and worthiest 
lives and characters are exemplified before us in those 
who had no deliverance through the technical " Scheme of 
Salvation "? An enlargement of the idea of religion from 
its root to its fruitage was commended to us, if we ought 
not to say forced upon us, in this community, when the 
judgment was spoken and unchallenged, that in the social 
and business relations and responsibilities of life no addi- 
tional confidence was secured to a man in that he w^as 
known as a " professor," or prominent in zeal and service 
for a sect. Practical, generous, benevolent, and unselfish 
religion is the current coin among all denominations. 

Of any object or institution in this changing world which, 
like the First Church of Boston, has the longest continuing 
history of anything in it in record and use, we are naturally 
interested to ask concerning its outlook for the future. In 
scarce any place on the earth could such a question present 
itself attended with more uncertain and perplexed condi- 
tions than in this city, amid the rapid and complete trans- 
formations of all the ordinary securities and tokens of 
permanency. The surface of all the original territory has 
been changed, and there is here more of new land than of 
the old. The marts of business have usurped the sites of 
the ancient homesteads, schools, and meeting-houses. The 
native population has largely sought other places for resi- 
dence, and foreign peoples have crowded in here. The 



Ixxviii INTRODUCTION. 

costliest and newest church edifices — including that of the 
First Church, on its fourth site — now stand where, till 
recently, the tidal waters of the west bay flowed in from 
Charles River. One or more Protestant churches of each 
of the denominations have become extinct after a longer 
or a shorter life. A statute of the Commonwealth enjoins 
that the records of such extinct religious organizations be 
deposited with the clerk of town or city, and their history 
for the past must be sought in his office; though some of 
such churches had expired previous to this enactment. 
The contingencies of the continuance and the prosperity 
of the Protestant churches of all denominations in this city 
are peculiar, and not in every respect desirable or com- 
mendable. For a Roman Catholic Church only a popula- 
tion near it of that faith is necessary, the parishioners 
having no choice or privilege in selecting their pastor, that 
being the prerogative of the bishop, and it is as a func- 
tionary chiefly that one or another pastor serves. In a 
Protestant church here, whatever the denomination, indi- 
vidualism, with its preferences, its likes and dislikes, has 
supreme sway. All depends upon the abilities and qual- 
ities of the minister for the time being. A church which 
will flourish under a strong and gifted minister, filling its 
pews and enriching its treasury, may waste away under an 
incompetent or unpopular successor. If the church be 
conspicuous and costly, its responsible officers will make 
every effort to reconstruct and save the society by seeking 
for " the right man." The most thronged place of worship 
at this time in the city, less than a score of years ago, with 
a former edifice and under former ministers, could scarcely 
find those willing to receive and occupy its pews as a free 
gift. 

The objects of institutional religion, as represented in 
churches and congregations, are three : — 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxix 

I. The exercise of the devotional sentiments in offices 
of worship. 

II. The offering of religious and moral instruction and 
exhortation. 

III. The opening and supplying and drawing from the 
springs of benevolence, uniting sympathies, gifts, and ser- 
vices in all the charities and agencies which minister to 
human needs and sorrows. 

I. The offices of devotion are prayer, sacred music, and 
readings from Scripture. Any one of the old founders of 
the First Church, if he could appear within its walls upon 
any Communion Sunday in fair weather, it is to be inferred 
would be more disturbed by the general conduct and 
method of the services, than by anything he would hear 
in discourse from the present occupant of the pulpit. He 
would have to listen to portions of the Common Prayer 
Book, complemented by some of his own method of devo- 
tion, and though he would not wholly miss his own beloved 
style of congregational singing, the interposition of the 
organ and of the chantings of the artistic professional choir 
would cause him grief. He would see upon the com- . 
munion table the same vessels from which he had partaken 
in the holy rite, and though there is a chancel and a 
place where those who so wish may kneel in receiving the 
elements, he would rejoice to see that the communicants 
retained their seats, and were served by the oldest-fashioned 
scriptural deacons. Possibly he might be reconciled to the 
storied windows, by observing that while the richest of 
them spread forth the covenant which he himself had 
signed, the others offered only strictly scriptural subjects, 
with no interminglings of apocryphal saintship. 

The form of service was adopted after due deliberation 
as an experiment, subject at any time to reconsideration. 



]XX'X INTRODUCTION. 

It is preferred and warmly approved by some, quietly con- 
formed to by others, and tolerated by the rest, a few being 
not in sympathy with it. 

II. The provision of religious instruction appropriate to 
devotional Sunday services, such as will carry with it per- 
suasion, edification, and a constraining power for good over 
heart and life in character, is where in these passing years 
the strain is felt most anxiously, most painfully, and with 
a general bewilderment of thought and purpose. There 
is a fundamental and irreconcilable variance of judgment 
as to what themes and methods are or are not appropriate 
to the pulpit, or, as we must now add, the platform. 
Those who charge themselves with the defence and support 
of Christian and other religious institutions cannot wisely 
or decently disregard the fact, that increasing numbers of 
sincere, intelligent, and devout persons turn away from the 
preaching of all the denominations, whether of rigid or 
liberal creeds, as disappointing, powerless, or without effi- 
cacy for ihem. Only the weak conceit of ministers, which 
is of itself more than half of the repelling and nullifying 
influence, can lead them to find a professional solace in 
ascribing this popular aversion and dissatisfaction to the 
fault of the so-called " outsiders." It is insiders too who 
are in the same mood of mind and feeling. There are 
persons, moderate in tone and judgment, who allow them- 
selves to affirm that even the majority of those who come 
out of church doors, of all denoniinations, are not firm and 
thorough believers in the fundamentals from which the 
preachers take their start in discourse ; that is, they do not 
believe them as they believe that they must eat food, in 
order that they may keep alive, as did the Puritans. 

The essential and indispensable basis for all public re- 
ligious discoursing that shall be effective and positive is, 



INTRODUCTION. ]xxxi 

that the preacher plant himself upon, start with, and argue 
and plead from, some truths, few or many, the certainty 
and authority of which are admitted, recognized, unques- 
tioned by him and his hearers. He may indeed inform 
them and convince them of some truths of which they were 
doubtful or heedless. But these must be deductions or 
consequences from other truths, the certaiaty and authority 
of which are admitted. Thus the statesman has a consti- 
tution for his basis, and the judge in his court has well- 
defined and fortified statutes for his. What basis has the 
preacher in these days? It maybe answered, faith in a 
divinely revealed and attested body of religious truth. But 
what if his hearers have not this faith, or have it not in the 
form and working which he assumes for it? There are 
multitudes around us ready to plead that it is time enough 
for them to begin to exercise faith where their knowledge 
stops, and that their knowledge conflicts with what some 
preachers offer for faith. Heretofore it has been the cus- 
tom for preachers to assume certain tenets of a creed, and 
then to force into accordance with them the phenomena of 
nature, the proved facts of science, experience, and history, 
and all the rebellings of the most sincere and trustworthy 
exercises of the human mind and heart. For instance, it 
was for ages preached and widely believed that death was 
introduced upon this globe in consequence of Adam's sin. 
But when the remains of animals that had perished before 
the era of humanity were brought to light, the Orthodox 
geological professor answered, " As it was foreseen and 
foreordained that Adam would sin and die, the death of 
animals was provided for by anticipation." 

But are there any, and if any, what facts of common, 

admitted, unquestioned truth and authority, alive and 

throbbing with power for appeal, command, warning, and 

counsel, which are believed in and admitted, felt with awe 

p 



Ixxxii INTRODUCTION. 

and solemnity in the very depths of consciousness, by 
preachers and those whom they address? Yes. Such 
truths are the mysteries, the sanctities, and the moraHties 
of human hfe on the earth. These verities, with invaluable 
and inexhaustible helps to illustrate them, to give them 
persuasion and experimental power, drawn from the Bible 
and the Christian Gospel, are the sufficient furnishings of 
theme and material for the preacher, if he has in himself 
the gifts and power to use them. With such facts, with 
such authority and uses for preacher and hearer, there is 
no ground of fear for the dying out of institutional religion. 
When we consider to what dismal droning, drivelling, and 
inanity millions of many generations have patiently listened 
as preaching, may we not believe that there is before us a 
nobler dispensation of it, though it may still bear, as with 
Paul, for one of its epithets, that of " foolishness "? 

In this universe of wisdom and marvel, in this life of 
dread and mystery, there is no reason why a single vol- 
ume, however precious, should stand for the whole ma- 
terial, substance, and authority of religion. The time has 
come for protesting, not against the reverent and grateful 
precedency of the Bible, but against the idolatrous and 
indiscriminate use of its contents, as the sole basis and 
citadel of institutional religion. No pulpit is consecrated 
unless the Bible lies upon it ; but religion is broader and 
fuller than its pages. 

III. The third leading and inclusive object of religious in- 
stitutions among us now is what is aptly defined as "church 
work." And in its present scope and method it may be 
called so modern as to be dated in our own time. We 
may well rejoice that in the distracting discussions about 
beliefs and philosophies in religion a diversion has been 
provided to engage hearts and hands to the relief of brains 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii 

and fancies. Those who Hvc in large cities in these days, 
especially in this our own home, may well find a theme for 
profound and grateful thought, as they observe even the 
minute classification and distribution of the various ills and 
afflictions of humanity, as represented in our asylums, 
refuges, and charitable institutions, all, with but two or 
three exceptions, monuments of private benevolence, not 
provided for or maintained by the municipal treasury. 
The classification is a broad and a specific one. It in- 
cludes homes and helps for' old men, old women, orphans, 
children, and infants ; for white and colored ; for the infirm 
and for the superannuated ; for those whose maladies are of 
the brain, the heart, the lungs, the limbs, the eye, and the 
ear; the curable and the incurable; the idiotic and the 
feeble-minded ; for those who can be mended by ready 
skill, and those who need the science of the most ad- 
vanced training and to be wrought upon in the oblivion 
of their senses. Viewed in the distribution and in the 
sum of their objects, one may indeed gather, from con- 
templating these institutions, a profoundly pathetic im- 
pression of the variety of the inflictions of woe and sorrow. 
And then his relief must be found in taking a closer second 
gaze upon them. All these institutions have about them 
the freshness of newness in structure and appointments. 
There is no sign of antiquity upon them. Some of them, 
indeed, are reconstructions simply for enlargement. The 
date of every one of them may be found within the records 
of this century. Over the gateways of most of them might 
be inscribed the words read over the entrance to an old 
refuge in the city of Berne, " Christo in Pauperibus." 
Over all of them in their groups might be repeated the 
inspiring and soothing Gospel : " The Spirit of the Lord 
is upon me, because he hath anointed me to preach the 
Gospel to the poor; he hath sent me to heal the broken- 



Ixxxiv IxNTRODUCTION. 

hearted, to preach deHverance to the captives, and recover- 
ing of sight to the blind ; to set at Hberty them that are 
bruised; to preach the acceptable year of the Lord." 

What agency has the Church of Christ in Boston had in 
all these institutions and offices of benevolence and mercy? 
The church invented Sunday and also the contribution-box. 
There was force in the words of a faithful First Church 
servitor, when, after carrying that wooden pleader through 
the aisles twice in one day, he said, " I think after this I 
may keep my seat, for the box ought to know its own way 
round." The early Boston churches supported their min- 
isters by a weekly voluntary contribution, an eye being 
had to occasional increase of the contents by the gifts of 
strangers present at the worship. Saving a few instances 
in which sufterers by a conflagration were aided in the 
same way, the first special collections in the churches were 
made for the redemption of white captives carried by the 
Indians into Canada, when they found this use of their 
prisoners more profitable than tomahawking them. Occa- 
sionally a member of a congregation enslaved by Barbary 
pirates was redeemed by the sdme method of raising his 
ransom. Not very rarely too one or more impoverished 
persons in the flock, who had known better days, were thus 
tenderly cared for. Any one whose poverty and want were 
the issues of laziness and thriftlessness was ready to com- 
pound by being left by the church without a reckoning. 

Our numerous permanent benevolent institutions have 
been endowed by bequests of the rich, and some of them 
could perpetuate their agency without any further gifts. 
It is to be believed that these splendid endowments may 
for the most part be accredited to the training and influ- 
ence which their donors received from the church. It 
would indeed be a grievous reproach to the church — one, 
however, not likely to befall it — if the spirit of generosity 



INTRODUCTION. IxxXV 

and sympathy quickened without its doors should organize 
itself into a practical religion of good works. The church 
has anticipated this barely conceivable possibility. The 
churches as property are exempted from civnc taxation. 
It is on the assumption that they purify and neutralize 
some of the sources of evil and feed the springs of benev- 
olence. There are only two methods of ministering to a 
world of wretchedness, — by municipal tax and by the vol- 
untary gifts and services of the generous and unselfish. 
The " such as I have " is often of more service than would 
be a gift of money. And the demands upon all the forms 
and methods of helpful service steadily increase with civili- 
zation as well as with population. The familiar text needs 
an addition to it, thus, " The poor ye shall always have 
with you," and more of them. 

It is a noticeable fact, likewise, that the municipal treas- 
ury has been steadily relieved of what would have been 
its burdens were it not for church and other outside volun- 
tary benevolence. If the sum of all the annual disburse- 
ments by the treasurers of our societies and the distributions 
from churches were added to the assessors' roll, proposed 
luxurious public improvements would have long to wait. 
It is a noteworthy and suggestive fact, that while we, for 
our public improvements, are transferring to posterity a 
burden of debt, we are relieving them of the demands on 
their benevolence by the lavish endowment of charitable 
institutions. This assumption of the relieving work once 
performed by the town of Boston, and that would other- 
wise now fall upon the city, proceeds upon the double 
conviction that such public largesses are wasteful and mis- 
chievous, while agencies into which religion enters are 
wiser, kindlier, and more effective. The first experience 
by which the need and desire for some other than muni- 
cipal provision in this and other towns and cities of the 



\xxxvi INTRODUCTION. 

Commonwealth manifested themselves, was when our com- 
fortable and not large asylums, provided for the relief of 
such of our own native population as had known better 
days, " the worthy poor " and the unfortunate, became 
crowded with the refuse of foreign countries. Associa- 
tion with these new-comers was felt to be a bitter aggra- 
vation of previous misfortunes. Ever since there have 
been a purpose and efforts for a more tender and Chris- 
tian oversight and help of our own dependent people, 
while great State asylums have been provided for other 
classes of the helpless. Municipal institutions and over- 
sight cannot, as a general rule, reach to such cases, or offer 
such ministrations as come more appropriately under 
the charge of religious methods and sympathies. Police 
watchfulness is naturally more devoted to the exposure of 
fraud and imposture than to searching for obscure and un- 
obtrusive sufferers. The only religious recognition which 
the Roman Catholic priesthood here make of their Prot- 
estant brethren is to regard them as available for help 
in supporting the hospitals and refuges which are under 
their own special charge. 

The earnest and generous interest manifested by relig- 
ious organizations in recent years, in the manifold direc- 
tions of active benevolent effort and helpful service, is all 
the more observable under a special view of it just at this 
time. The pledged responsibility for the support of relig- 
ious institutions, costly churches, and the care of them, and 
the provisions made for music, rests with a minority of the 
people, even of those in established households. Being 
found in their places in the churches, it is but natural that 
they should be addressed by and be expected to respond 
to all appeals for funds, meetings, supplies, and personal 
services in all " church work." It would not be strange, 
indeed, if among the many reasons which have thinned 



INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii 

attendance upon the churches, has been a care to be secured 
from the incessant demands made there on the purse and 
on personal service in committee or as visitors. Though 
money, which " answereth all things," and which is the sole 
agency of municipal benevolence, enters largely into the 
means and methods of religious ministrations to the needy, 
the depressed, and the suffering, it is by no means the 
only, and one is even tempted to say not always the 
most serviceable and effective, .sympathetic and helpful 
service engaged by religion in " church w^ork." Visits to 
homes, provision for neglected children in them, nursing, 
encouragement, helping out exertions which have been 
aroused after hope and effort had been given over, training 
and education for useful employments, — these are means 
of which the difference between the entire neglect of them 
and the faithful, earnest use of them will appear in any 
community in facts and aspects obvious to the careful eye. 
The rejuvenation of the Thanksgiving festival and the re- 
vival of the observance of Christmas and Easter are to be 
referred in large measure, not so much to any renewal of 
reverence and religious zeal in our community, as to kindly 
sentiments engaged through them to send relief and glee 
and happiness into places and lots which would otherwise 
lack them. 

Of course " there are spots in the Feasts of Charity." 
Religious visitors will find here and there hypocrites and 
pretenders w4io will assume some odious guises ; and the 
number of such cases may be matched by those in which 
help and sympathy may be made contingent upon some 
poor sectarian compliance. But wisdom and shrewdness 
will detect imposture, and whatever capital sectarianism 
may gain by dole and pledge will not reward any rivalry 
to obtain it. 

The closing pages of the following history will indicate, 



Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION. 

modestly only, as is becoming, the methods and the ear- 
nestness with which the First Church in Boston assumes 
its share in a work distributed among many folds with 
many names. 

Supposing that corporate religious institutions in this 
community, like that of the First Church, continue their 
historical existence, it will probably be only after the lapse 
of considerable periods of time that their history will be 
reviewed. Present experiences and expected changes in 
the years soon to come will, doubtless, introduce wholly new 
conditions in the support, relations, and administration of 
these institutions. Regrets and censures have been freely 
expressed among us at the cost, the extravagant outlay, 
lavished upon some of our newest church edifices, built 
as substitutes for far less expensive ones on former sites. 
But it may be that a compensating benefit will, in a meas- 
ure, if not wholly, offset the temporary evils of this lavish 
outlay. There has recently been manifested a strong and 
healthful discontent under the burden of " church debts," 
and a conviction that temples dedicated to God should not 
be mortgaged to men. This feeling has prompted the re- 
moval of such indebtedness. The costliest of these new 
edifices are now free of such pecuniary incumbrance. As 
pieces of property the ownership of them is divided 
between the corporate body and the pew proprietors. 
They have thus a pledge of perpetuity. Their value, their 
solidity and beauty, their conveniences and adaptations, 
make them a legacy to posterity to be used under a sense 
of gratitude to the givers, and with a consequent respon- 
sibility for turning them to the best account. 



HISTORY 



FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. 



CHAPTER I. 

1630-1632. 

JOHN WILSON. 

Origin and Foundation of First Church in Boston. — Worship, 
Discipline, and Government. 

'T^HE history of First Church in Boston begins 
with the occupation of Charlestown by the 
English colonists under Winthrop. It was there 
that the founders of our church signed the covenant 
and became a body of worshippers. The Arbella, 
the vessel in which they crossed the ocean, put into 
Salem harbor the 12th day of June, 1630, and 
"went to Mattachusetts " the 17th of the month. 
After exploring the latter neighborhood, she returned 
to Salem the next day but one, and, joined by the 
rest of the fleet, again set sail, and came to anchor in 
Charlton harbor, as Winthrop calls it, early in July. 
They found that other Englishmen had visited the 
spot before them. The Sprague brothers, Ralph, 
Richard, and William, together with others, had 
previously made their way to the place, through 



2 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

the woods, from Salem, in the summer of 1629. At 
that time the town records describe it as " a neck of 
land, generally full of stately timber, and the coun- 
try round about an uncouth wilderness." But the 
Spragues found that they too had been preceded by 
one Thomas Walford, a smith, who with his family 
was the first white settler in the place. Shortly 
before the arrival of Winthrop, and in order to 
prepare for that' event, one Thomas Graves, " an 
experienced engineer," had come from Salem, and 
built a house called the Great House. This was 
a two-storied wooden block structure, the lower 
part used for storage purposes, and the upper story 
for civil, and if the weather was so unpleasant 
as to prevent worship out of doors, for religious, 
meetings. 

Our pioneers came poorly prepared to contend 
with the hardships of their new situation. They had 
brought over small provision with them, trusting to 
a report that they would find plenty on their arrival 
in the new country; and what they had was badly 
damaged by the voyage. Their means of shelter 
were poor, and the long confinement on shipboard 
had made many of them diseased. " And although 
the people were loving and pitiful," says the old 
record, " yet the sickness did so prevail, that the 
whole were not able to tend the sick as they should 
be tended, upon which many perished and died and 
were buried about the Town Hill." To meet the 
scarcity of provisions, the Governor despatched 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON. 3 

Captain Pearce to the coast of Ireland in quest of a 
fresh supply. It must have been that that country 
was thought to be nearer than any other, otherwise 
there would seem to be some reason for thinking 
with Cotton Mather, that perhaps there were other 
places more overflowing with milk and honey, to 
which it w^ould have been wiser to send. However, 
as afterwards appears, the errand proved fruitful of 
success. 

In spite of these adversities — we might rather 
say because of them — the people hurried on the 
organization of the church. The 30th of July was 
set apart as a day of fasting and prayer, and after 
solemn religious exercises. Governor Winthrop, 
Deputy-Governor Dudley, Mr. Isaac Johnson, and 
Mr. John Wilson subscribed the following church 
covenant, the same which is continued with us to- 
day : — 

" In the Name of our Lord Jesus Christ, & in Obedience 
to His holy will & Divine Ordinaunce. 

" Wee whose names are herevnder written, being by His 
most wise, & good Providence brought together into this 
part of America in the Bay of Masachusetts, & desirous 
to vnite ourselves into one Congregation, or Church, vnder 
the Lord Jesus Christ our Head, in such sort as becometh 
all those whom He hath Redeemed, & Sanctifyed to Him- 
selfe, do hereby solemnly, & religiously (as in His most holy 
Proesence) Promisse, & bind o'selves, to walke in all our 
wayes according to the Rule of the Gospell, & in all sin- 
cere Conformity to His holy Ordinaunces, & in mutuall 
love, & respect each to other, so neere as God shall give 
vs grace." 



4 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

Of the first four signers of this covenant an ex- 
tended account is unnecessary. Their history is 
bound up with that of the Commonwealth. John 
Winthrop, the first Governor, and the first signer 
of the church covenant, was of good family, and en- 
joyed what was then regarded as a large income, 
amounting to six or seven hundred pounds a year. 
He was bred a lawyer, and was some forty-three 
years of age when he came from England. Thomas 
Dudley was first Deputy-Governor, and afterwards 
for four years Governor of the colony. In early 
life, after receiving a good legal education, Dudley 
served for a short time as captain of English soldiers 
under Queen Elizabeth in the army of Henry IV. 
of France. Subsequently he managed with great 
prudence the large estates of the Earl of Lincoln. 
He was fifty-three years of age when he came to this 
country. Isaac Johnson was a gentleman by birth 
and of fortune, and had married a dano^hter of the 
Earl of Lincoln. The sad death of the Lady 
Arbella, followed shortly after by that of her grief- 
stricken husband,' was the first shadow which spread 
a gloom over the colony. 

The Rev. John Wilson, the first pastor of the 
church, was born and bred in clerical atmosphere, 
and, had it not been for his non-conformity, would 
doubtless have held some high position in the Church 

^ September 30, 1630, about one month after his wife. "He was a holy 
man, and wise ; and died in sweet peac? , leaving some part of his substance 
to the colony." — Winthrop's Journal. 




^^Ir'N^v^/i 



^ 



1630-32.] ' JOHN WILSON. 5 

of England, as did his immediate ancestors. But, like 
other strong and scrupulous characters of the period, 
he preferred a life in the wilderness to the enjoyment 
of clerical preferment at the sacrifice of his religious 
convictions. He shares the epithet, affixed by Cot- 
ton Mather to the first, four ministers of our church, 
of " Johannes in eremo." Of his immediate ances- 
tors, his grandfather, " William Wilson, late of Wells- 
bourne in the co. of Lincoln, Gendeman, departed 
this life within the Castle of Windsor in the yeare 
of our Lord 1587, the 27 Day of August, and lyeth 
buried in this place." (Tombstone in the cliapel of 
Windsor Castle.) Wellsbourne is notfarfrom Lincoln 
and Boston, and this fact indicates some special tie 
among the early settlers who came from Lincolnshire. 

His father, William Wilson, D.D.,of Merton Col- 
lege, Oxford, Prebendary of Rochester, Rector of 
Cliffe, Chancellor of St. Pauls, and Canon of his 
King's Majesty's free chapel of St. George, within 
his castle of Windsor, where he lies buried, died 
May 15, 16 1 5, aged seventy-three years. 

John Wilson,^ our minister, was born at Windsor 
in 1508. His mother was Isabel Woodhal, niece of 
Edmund Grindal, the celebrated Puritan Aichbishop 
of Canterbury. He was educated at Eton and 
Kinor's Colle2:e, Cambrids^e, and married Elizabeth, 
daughter of Sir John Mansfield. 

^ His life is described in a later chapter (see Chap. III.). This little 
sketch of his family and antecedents was partly furnished by Mr. Thomas 
Minns, a descendant of Wilson. 



6 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

Dr. Edmund Wilson, brother of Rev. JcJin Wilson, 
died in England soon after the arrival in this coun- 
try, leaving ^1000 to the infant colony/ 

Mrs. Wilson, the pastors wife, died June 6, 1660. 

" On the ist of August, Increase Nowell and four 
others united with the church and signed the cove- 
nant, and soon the number amounted to sixty-four 
men and half as many women." 

From the very start religion was uppermost in the 
minds of the colonists. Religion planted the colony. 
When the first General Court was held on the 23d 
of August, before any measures had been taken to 
provide for support or shelter, the first topic of dis- 
cussion was, " How shall the ministers be main- 
tained ? " And it was ordered that houses be built 
for them with convenient speed at the public charge, 
and salaries provided at ^30 for Mr. Phillips of 
Watertown, and ^20 for Mr. Wilson of Boston till 
his wife come over. Sir Richard Saltonstall under- 
took to see the former part of this order carried 
out for Mr. Phillips, and the Governor for Mr. 
Wilson. 

*' On the 27th of August another fast was ob- 
served, and the church duly organized by the appoint- 
ment of the proper officers." The list of regularly 
appointed church officers at this date included pas- 
tors, teachers, ruling elders, deacons, and sometimes 

^ Mr. Wilson made a second and last voyage to England in 1634, partly 
to secure this legacy; and returned in 1635, ^'lis time with his wife and 
family. His first voyage in 1631 was unsuccessful in the special object 
sought for. See infra, 9. 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON. 7 

deaconesses or widows. The functions of the widows, 
as laid down by a quaint writer, were "to show mercie 
with chearfulnesse and to minister to the sick and 
poore brethren." In another place the writer adds, 
" No church there [meaning Boston] hath a widow 
as far as I know ; " an observation which we must be 
careful not to construe too literally. The distinc- 
tion between pastor and teacher is somewhat nice.^ 
The same writer says: " It is the duty of the pastor 
to exhort and besides to rule ; the teacher to instruct 
in knowleds:e and likewise to rule." The elders were 
the Levites, or governing officers of the church, and 
the deacons performed the same duties as they do 
to-day, viz. received the contributions and accounted 
for the same. 

The following were duly qualified : John Wilson 
as teacher; Increase Nowell, ruling elder; William 
Gao-er and William Asoinwall, deacons. Gacjer 
died September 20, 1630, a few days after his 
appointment. In the case of Mr. Wilson it was 
expressly understood that the ceremony should 
have no effect on his previous ordination by the 
bishop in England. 

1 Palfrey, in his chapter on " Primitive Institutions and Customs of New 
England," says : " A church fully furnished had a pastor and a teacher whose 
duty it was to preach and administer the ordinances, the distinctive function 
of the former being private and public exhortation, of the latter doctrinal 
and scriptural explanation." The reading of the Bible, or dumb reading, as 
it was called, was not generally approved, but thought to be too much in 
conformity with the Church of England practice, hence one of the functions 
of the teacher, viz. scriptural explanation or expounding, as it was called. 
— History of New England, ed. i860, Vol. II. t^"], 42. See also History of 
Second Church in Boston, note to 22. 



8 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

We now find the church fairly organized, the 
minister provided for, and nothing wanting but 
a place of worship. "The first meeting-place of 
the congregation was in the umbrage of a large 

tree." 

In the month of August many of the colonists 
removed across the river to Boston ; and soon a 
majority of the inhabitants of Charlestown, includ- 
ing the Governor, had made the change. " The 
principal cause which led to this removal was the 
want of running springs of water. The notion pre- 
vailed that no water was good for a town but run- 
ning springs ; and they were at that time acquainted 
with but one spring in Charlestown," which was on 
the margin of the river, in the sand, and when the 
tide was high could not be come at, arid at other 
times was very brackish. Mr. William Blaxton, the 
first white inhabitant of Boston, first called the 
attention of the Governor to the existence of a pure 
spring of water on his side of the river. This in- 
formation, combined with the increasing sickness, 
induced the Governor to make the change. From 
this period up to the time of separation, the people 
of Charlestown were obliged to cross the river to 
attend meetings, — an operation, in the winter time at 
least, involving much hazard. Provisions had now 
become very scarce, and had it not been for the 
timely arrival of Captain Pearce with an abundant 
supply, they would have had hard work to keep 
alive. 



1630-32] JOHN WILSON. 9 

" The people were compelled to live upon clams and 
muscles, ground nuts and acorns, and these were obtained 
with much difficulty in the winter time, and upon these 
accounts they became much tired and discouraged, espe- 
cially when they heard that the Governor had his last batch 
of bread in the oven. And many were the fears of the peo- 
ple that Mr. Pearce, Avho was sent to Ireland to fetch pro- 
visions, was cast away or taken by pirates; but God, who 
delights to appear in greatest straits, did work marvellously 
at this time, for before the very day appointed to seek the 
Lord by fasting and prayer, about the month of February 
or March, in comes Mr. Pearce, laden with provisions ; 
upon which occasion the day of fast was changed and 
ordered to be kept as a day of thanksgiving." 

This was on the 2 2d of February (O.S.)/ The 
provisions were distributed among the people in 
proportion to their necessities. To show what a 
good face they kept under all their trials, we are 
told that a man, "inviting his Friends to a dish of 
Clams, at the Table gave thanks to Heaven, who 
had given them to suck the abundance of the Seas, 
and of the Treasures hid in the Sands." 

In March, 1631, Mr. Wilson went to England 
to bring his wife. Before embarking, " Mr. Cod- 
dington [afterwards for many years Governor of 
Rhode Island] and Mr. Wilson, and divers of the 
consrcQ-ation, met at the Governor's, and there Mr. 
Wilson, praying and exhorting the congregation to 

1 In quoting from old records no attempt has been made to alter the date 
from Old to New Style. The simple process of adjustment is this : " To change 
from Old to New, add ten days to any date from 1600 to 1700, and eleven 
days to a date from 1700 to September 14, 1752." 



I 



lO FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

love, etc., commended to them the exercise of proph- 
ecy in his absence, and designed those whom he 
thought most fit to it, viz. the Governor, Mr. Dud- 
ley, and Mr. Nowell the elder. Then he desired the 
Governor to commend himself and the rest to God 
by prayer; which being done, they accompanied 
him to the boat; and so they went over to Charles- 
town, to go by land to the ship. This ship set sail 
from Salem April i, and arrived at London (all 
safe), April 29." The apostle Eliot filled the va- 
cancy caused by the absence of Mr. Wilson. The 
famous Roger Williams lays claim to the first invi- 
tation to fill this post. The statement, however, 
rests on his own assertion, and we find no corrob- 
oration of it on the church records or elsewhere. 
The reason he gives for declining the honor is per- 
haps worth noticing, as coming from a man so noted 
for his liberality in religion ; he says it was be- 
cause they (members of First Church) would not 
humble themselves for having held communion 
with the Church of England. 

Mr. Wilson took with him to Eno-land a letter 
from Deputy-Governor Dudley to the Countess of 
Lincoln, — one of the most authentic documents 
touching upon this early period.^ The date of it is 
March 12, 1630. It contains a very minute account 
of the condition of the colony. It begins: — 

" For the satisfaction of your Honor and some friends, 
and for the use of such as shall hereafter intend to increase 

^ Young's Chronicles of Massachusetts, 304. 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON, II 

our Plantation in New-England, I have, in the throng of 
domestic, and not altogether free from public, business, 
thought fit to commit to memory our present condition, 
and what hath befallen us since our arrival here ; which I 
will do shortly, after my usual manner, and must do rudely, 
having yet no table, nor other room to write in than by 
the fireside, upon my knee, in this sharp winter; to which 
my family must have leave to resort, though they break 
good manners and make me many times forget what I 
would say, and say what I would not." 

He then proceeds to give an account of the hard- 
ships they endure: — 

" The ships being gone, victuals wasting, and mortality 
increasing, we held divers fasts in our several congrega- 
tions. But the Lord would not yet be deprecated ; for 
about the beginning of September died Mr. Gager, a right 
godly man, a skilful chirurgeon, and one of the deacons of 
our congregation, Mr. Johnson, one of the five undertakers 
(the Lady Arbella, his wife, being dead a month before). 
This gentleman was a prime man amongst us, having the 
best estate of any, zealous for religion, and the greatest 
furtherer of this plantation." 

And then, towards the close, lie says : — 

" But now, having some leisure to discourse of the mo- 
tives for other men's coming to this place, or their abstain- 
ing from it, after my brief manner, I say this, that if any 
come hither to plant for worldly ends, that can live well at 
home, he commits an error, of which he will soon repent 
him ; but if for spiritual, and that no particular obstacles 
hinder his removal, he may find here what may well con- 
tent him, viz. materials to build, fuel to burn, ground to 
plant, seas and rivers to fish in, a pure air to breathe in, 
good water to drink, till wine or beer can be made, which, 



12 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

together with the cows, hogs, and goats brought hither 
already, may suffice for food; for as for fowl and venison, 
they are dainties here as well as in England. For clothes 
and bedding they must bring them with them, till time and 
industry produce them here. In a word, we yet enjoy 
little to be envied, but endure much to be pitied, in the 
sickness and rriortality of our people. ... If any godly 
men, out of religious ends, will come over to help us in the 
good work we are about, I think they cannot dispose of 
themselves nor of their estates more to God's glory and 
the furtherance of their own reckoning. But they must 
not be of the poorer sort yet, for divers years ; for we have 
found by experience that they have hindered, not fur- 
thered the work. And for profane and debauched persons, 
their oversight in coming hither is wondered at, where 
they shall find nothing to content them. If there be any 
endued with grace, and furnished with means to feed them- 
selves and theirs for eighteen months, and to build and 
plant, let them come over into our Macedonia and help us, 
and not spend themselves and their estates in a less profit- 
able employment. For others, I conceive, they are not 
yet fitted for this business." ^ 

Soon after Mr. Wilson's return from England, 
which took place on the 26th of May, some time in 

' " i63r, July 21. The governor, deputy-governor, and Mr. Nowcll, the 
elder of the congregation at Boston, go to Watertown, to confer with Mr. 
Phillips the pastor and Mr. Brown the elder of the congregation there 
about an opinion they had published, that the churches of Rome were true 
churches; the matter is debated before many of both congregations, and by 
the ap])robation of all the assembly, except three, is concluded an error." — 
Prince's Annals of New England, 358. 

" 1632, July 3. The congregation (i. e. the church) at Boston, wrote to 
the elders and brethren of the churches of Plymouth, Salem, etc., for their 
advice in three questions : First, whether one person might be a civil mag- 
istrate and a ruling elder at the same time ? Second, if not, then which 
should he lay down ? Third, whether there might be divers pastors in the 
same church.'' The first was agreed by all negatively, the second and third 
doubtful." — Ibid. 398. 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON. 13 

the month of August, 1632, the congregation of Bos- 
ton and Charlestown began to build the first meet- 
insf-house. The situation chosen was on the south 
side of State Street, in Boston, where Brazer's Build- 
ing now stands/ The walls were of stone, plastered 
with clay, and the roof thatched. This building, 
together with a parsonage^ erected at the same time 
on what was formerly known as Wilson's Lane, in 
the immediate neighborhood of the church, was 
provided for by contributions amounting in all to 
;^I20. The winter, which was now setting in, 
proved so severe that passage over the river was 
often impracticable. This, no doubt, hastened the 
inevitable separation. The church in Charlestown 
became a distinct body on the 2d of November, 
1632, withdrawing from the parent church about one 
fourth of the cons^reofation. " Those of the church 
who stayed behind still retained their relation to the 
[old church] until October, 1632 ; when those mem- 
bers desiring a dismission from the congregation, 
to enter into a new church-body at Charlestown, 
and having first sought solemnly unto God, with 
the rest of the church, for direction herein, they 
w^ere accordingly dismissed upon the 14th day of 
the said month." ^ 

1 " A plan of the church lot as existing at this time, but as made out by 
Francis Jackson of late years, is in the library of the New England Histor- 
ical and Genealogical Society. See the Register, April, i860, 152." — Memo- 
rial History of Boston (1880), Vol. I. 119, note. 

2 Wilson lived on the corner opposite where the Merchants' Bank stands, 
before the land on which his house stood was taken to widen the street. 

•^ " 1632, November 2 (Friday). Mr. Increase Nowell, Mr. Thomas James, 
and other Church members at Charlestown, who had been dismissed from the 



14 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

" And now upon this separation," says Foxcroft, 
in his centennial sermon in 1730, " I find the num- 
ber of males in the church of Boston (after nigh 
two years' continuance here, in which time, doubt- 
less, additions were made to it) amounted but to 
about seventy or eighty, the body of the inhabitants." 
Endeavors were at this time made to obtain the 
apostle Eliot for teacher, and there is very good rea- 
son to suppose that he would have accepted, had he 
not felt bound by an agreement made on the pas- 
sage over from England to settle in Roxbury.^ 

" The 226. of November was solemnized as a fast, 
on which Mr. Wilson, hitherto the teacher, was or- 
dained the pastor of the church. At the same time 
Mr. Oliver was chosen ruling elder, and two dea- 
cons were elected ; on all of whom hands were 
imposed as a token of designation. 

" On Aug. 6, 1633," about a month before the 
arrival of Cotton, the colleague of Wilson, " one 
hundred and thirty men and ninety women had be- 
come members of the church. But, besides the loss 
of the Charlestown members, several had died, sev- 
eral others had removed to Salem, and a few had 

ch'Tch at Boston, now embody into a (new) distinct Congregational Church, 
enter into covenant ; and (the said) Mr. James is elected and ordained their 
pastor." — Prince's A?mals of Neiv England, 407. 

^ " Mr. John Eliot, a member of Boston congregation, and one whom the 
congregation intended presently to call to the otifice of teacher, was called to 
be a teacher to the church at Roxbury ; and though Boston laboured all they 
could, both with the congregation of Roxbury, and with Mr. Eliot himself, 
alleging their want of him, and the covenant between them, &c., yet he could 
not be diverted from accepting the call of Roxbury, November 5. So he was 
dismissed." — Winthrop's Jotirnal, Vol. I. 93. 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON. 15 

returned to Salem. Probably the church did not 
now number more than a hundred communicants. 
Four children were baptized in the first year, eleven 
in the second, three in the third, and four in that 
part of the fourth which elapsed before Mr. Cotton's 
ordination. Of these twenty-two there were eleven 
of each sex." 

We have now witnessed the transplanting of the 
church from Charlestown to Boston, — the little seed 
out of which grew up such an abundant harvest. 
We find the congregation somewhat diminished, it 
is true, but from no internal causes. That harmony 
of thought and purpose of which Foxcroft speaks so 
glowingly in 1730 was to remain unbroken for nearly 
two centuries. It was not till after the dawn of the 
nineteenth century that the ties were to be severed. 

Our conofreo^ation, small as it was, constituted the 
bulk of the population of Boston. The influence 
which it had on the government of the colony may 
well be imagined when we consider that no one was 
a freeman until he became a member of a church ; ^ 
that the minister was always consulted by the Gov- 
ernor in any important emergency, and very often 
his decision entirely settled the matter. 

The growth of our church, from the foundation 
down to the present time, and the various changes 

1 " We must be cai'eful to bear in mind, however, that when this provi- 
sion was passed, viz. in May, 1631, Massachusetts was a little community of 
traders, having no semblance to a state," so that the hardship of the depri- 
vation did not count for much till the latter condition was realized. — Dex- 
TEii's Congregationalism of the last Three Hundred Years, etc., 420 et seq. 



1 6 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

which have taken place in the sentiments of the 
worshippers, during a period of two centuries and a 
half, open up another field of inquiry more properly 
included in a later period of our history. All that 
concerns us in this connection is simply to hint at 
the ori2fin and foundation of this church. 

Who that reflects for one moment on the manner 
of this planting will feel the least surprised at the 
result ? But will he not have reason to be proud 
of that result .f* Built on a sure foundation, the ark 
of the Lord has continued during the space of two 
centuries and a half. The same covenant, the same 
principles of purity and liberty which our fathers 
established, have come down to us from generation 
to generation, shedding their blessings not only on 
our own body of worshippers, but on the whole 
community. Well may such an influence be called 
one of the " distinguishing glories of New Eng- 
land." 

And now, before we close this chapter, let us take 
a glance at the mode of church worship and gov- 
ernment peculiar to the Puritans. The order of 
worship was common to all the churches, with per- 
haps some slight variations. That of Boston Church 
is thus described. " Every Sabbath, or Lord's day, 
they come together at Boston by wringing of a bell,^ 

• At first by beat of the drum. For an account of the various ways (at 
first of necessity) resorted to for summoning people to the meeting, e. g. by 
blowing a shell or horn, and raising a flag, — methods resorted to as late as 
the middle of the last century, — see an interesting note to Dexter's Con- 
gregationalism, 452. 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON. 17 

about nine of the clock or before. The Pastor be- 
gins with solemn prayer continuing about a quarter of 
an houre. The Teacher then readeth and expound- 
eth a chapter ; then a Psalme is sung, which ever one 
of the ruling Elders dictates. After that the Pastor 
preacheth a sermon, and sometimes extempore ex- 
horts. Then the Teacher concludes with prayer and 
a blessing." Once a month they observed the Lord's 
Supper, of which notice was given a fortnight in 
advance. The ministers and ruling elders sat at 
the table, the rest in their seats or upon forms. 
The afternoon service began at two o'clock. The 
pastor began as before noon ; a psalm was sung, and 
the teacher preached his sermon. After and before 
the sermon was a prayer. Then followed baptism, 
if there was any. After this ceremony a contribu- 
tion was taken up ; one of the deacons saying> 
" Brethren of the congregation, now there is time 
left for contribution, wherefore as God hath pros- 
pered you, so freely offer." The magistrates and 
chief gentlemen then passed up, followed by the 
elders, and after them the rest of the congregation, 
one by one, all the men and all single persons, 
widows, and women in absence of their husbands, 
and deposited their offerings in a wooden box in 
charge of the deacon, if money or papers promising 
money ; if anything more bulky, then to one side ; ^ 

1 " I have seen a faire gilt cup with a cover, offered there by one, which 
is still used at the Communion." — Lechford's Plaiji Dealing, 15. This 
cup may still be among the valuable collection of church silver, and, if so, 
would rival in antiquity the famous Winthrop cup. 

2 



l8 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

and, after doing this, passed another way back to 
their seats.^ Then followed admission of members 
and hearing of complaints. If not too late, they 
sang a psalm, and then the pastor closed with a 
prayer and blessing. " Upon the week dayes, there 
are Lectures in divers townes, and in Boston, upon 
Thursdayes, when Master Cotton teacheth out of 
the Revelation."^ 

As for the form of church government, " Every 
church hath power of government in, and by itselffe, 
and no church, or Oi^cers, have power over one an- 
other but by way of advice or counsaile, voluntarily 
given or besought, saving that the General Court, 
now and then, over-rule some church matters ; and of 
late, divers of the Ministerie have had set meetings 
to order church matters ; whereby it is conceived 
they tend towards Presbyterian rule."^ 

The governing body of officers has already been 
alluded to, together with their proper functions. 
The church endeavored to rule as much as possible 
by unanimous consent. But where they could not 
agree, as, for example, on the admission or censure of 
a member, the matter was referred to a select council 

1 Until 1 7 10, and even later, careful attention was given to the seating of 
people in meeting, with reference to social or civil dignity. 

- Winthrop's Journal gives the earliest notice of this lecture. 

3 The first synod, or council of ministers and"bthers, was held at Cambridge 
(then Newtown), the 30th of August, 1637, and just escaped dealing with the 
famous Hutchinsonian controversy, which came up before the General Court 
two months later. John Cotton, the " patriarch of New England," at that 
time teacher of the church, attended with John Wilson, pastor, as messengers 
to the council. John Davenport, first of New Haven, afterwards of Boston 
Church, was also one of the twenty-five ministers summoned. See Chap II. 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON. 19 

to hear and pass upon privately, or in presence of 
such of the brethren as saw fit to attend. The rules 
of admission and expulsion were very strict, as in- 
stance the following, from the church records : — 

"The i;"' of y^ 5"* Moneth (1636). Thomas Matson, 
formerly received by Communion of churches, but now as a 
member vpon y" confession of his fayth & repentance & 
pfessed subjection to y^ Lord Jesus Christ according to y^ 
Covenant of the Gospel!, was admitted. 

" The 24"" of y' same 5'.'' Moneth Robert Parker o' brother 
whoe was Excoiiiunicate y*" 6\ of y^ lO''' Moneth (1635) for 
scandalous oppression of his wives children in selling away 
their inheritance from y"? & other hard vsage both of her 
& y' was this day vpon pfession of his repentance received 
againe to y^ fellowship of ye Church." 

" The 29* day of y" 2" Moneth 1638. Anne Walker y" 
wife of one Richard Walker & sometime y^ wife & widdowe 
of o' Brother Robert Houlton having before this day beene 
often privately Admonished of sundry Scandalls, as of 
Drunkenish, Intemperate, & vncleane or wantonish behav- 
iors, & likewise of Cruelty towards her children & also of 
manifold lyes & still to this day psisting impenitently 
therein, was therefore now w"" Joynt Consent of y" Con- 
gregation Cast out of y" Church." 

"The 13"^ of y= 11"' Moneth (1638). Our brother 
Richard Wayte having purloyned out of buckskyn lether 
brought vnto him, soe much thereof as would make 3. mens 
gloves to y^ Scandall of sundry w^'out, as well as of his 
brethren, & also having beene by some of y^ brethren dealt 
w"' all for it, did often deny & forsweare y*" same, w"'out hark- 
ening to their Corivincings according to y*" Rule, or to y^ 
Church to w''*' it was brought, was therefore this day, w"" 
Joynt Consent of y^ Congregation, Cast out of y*" Church, 

" The 26'*' day of y^ same 9'" Moneth (1639) being a day 
of Picblique fast for our Congregation, our brother Mr 



20 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

Robert Keayne was Admonisht by o' Pasto' in y" Name 
of y*" Church for seUing his wares at excessive Rates, to y" 
Dishono' of Gods Name; y" Offence of y" Generall Co't, & 
y*^ PubHque Scandall of y" Cuntry." 

" The 8' Day of y' s" i" Moneth 1640. Also, o^ Sistar 
Temperance Sweete y" wife of one John Sweete was by o"" 
Pasto' (in y* Name of y^ Lord & w"" y" Consent of y" 
Church (taken by their silence) Admonisht for having 
received into house & given entertainm' vnto disorderly 
Company & ministring vnto y™ wine & strong waters even 
vnto Drunkennesse & y' not w"'out some iniquity both in 
y^ measure & pryce thereof." ^ 

Another instance is that of a gentlewoman who 
was excommunicated for saying : " A brother and 
others she feared, did conspire to arbitrate the price 
of Joyners work of a chamber too high, and endeav- 
oring to bring the same into Civill Cognizance, not 
proceeding to take two or three to convince the 
party, and so to tell the Church, (though the first 
told the party of it) and this without her husband." 

Still another instance is that of a good woman 
who was severely dealt with because she absented 
herself from meeting more than was thought proper. 
Her reason for doing so was, in brief, because she 
did not like the kind of preaching she heard. It 
mattered not which of the two powers, civil or 
ecclesiastical, first got jurisdiction. They both pro- 
ceeded to try the cause, pari or non pari passu. 
The views of church government and order, at first 
indeterminate, were, by the powerful influence of 
John Cotton and others, embodied in a platform 

1 Church Records, 8 et seq. 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON. 21 



or religious constitution, called the Cambridge Plat- 
form, afterwards tacitly adopted as authority in all 
questions relating to church government. The 
power of the church made itself felt in those days 
ajjainst all who refused to conform to the established 
tenets. 

Any such offender was first admonished, and then, 
if he did not obey, was excommunicated, and there- 
after had no more rights than an Indian. It is 
curious to note how even the great John Cotton, 
leader of the church and expounder of religion, 
barely escaped censure for the sympathy which he 
was supposed to have secretly entertained for the 
views of the famous Anne Hutchinson. If we 
seek for the causes of this antagonism, they will be 
found in the temper of the age. The disorder, of 
which Puritan intolerance was the exponent in New 
England, was prevalent all over Christendom. All 
the religious world was busy trying to separate the 
chaff from the wheat. In New England, baptized in 
freedom of religion, they had not yet wrought out 
the problem how to unite toleration with a vigorous 
defence of the truth. It was still the age of witch- 
craft as well as of reformation. As long as the 
spirit of the former was abroad in the land, so long 
must the intolerance of the latter remain. 

And yet, even in New England, allowance must 
be made for the peculiar kind of experiment that 
was set on foot. No scheme of the kind had ever 
before been attempted. " By charter from the Eng- 



2 2 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1630-32. 

lish crown, the land was theirs as against all other 
civilized people, and they had a right to choose 
according to their own rules the associates who 
should help them to occupy and govern it. Exer- 
cising this right, they determined that magistracy 
and citizenship should belong only to Christian men, 
ascertained to be such by the best test which they 
knew how to apply." ^ All who could not come up 
to their standard were excluded, and if any persisted 
in staying where they were not wanted, more effec- 
tive measures were tried. From this point of view 
the charge of intolerance perhaps could hardly be 
made out. 

As we look back on that early church in the 
wilderness, with its noble company of worshippers, 
we strive in vain to recall a like picture. The severe 
aspect of the structure called a meeting-house,^ 
rudely fashioned from clay and stone, and thatched 
from the weather, must have been in marked con- 
trast with what its occupants had been accustomed 
to at home, and in only too sad keeping with the 
stern lot they had encountered from the moment of 
setting foot on this virgin soil. 

And that goodly company of men and women 
gathered within its sacred walls ! Winthrop, Dud- 
ley, Humphrey, Vane, Endicott, are but a few of 
those most readily called to mind, whose presence 



' Dexter's Congregationalism, 420, note. 

2 " Our fathers, from conscience, called their houses for worship 'meeting- 
houses.'" — Dexter's Congregatiotmlism, 454. 



1630-32.] JOHN WILSON. 23 

filled this little sanctuary, and whose delight it was 
to sit and listen to John Cotton as he unfolded the 
Scriptures for their guidance and action. 

We, whose happy lot it is to enjoy the fruits of 
their hard labors, can form but a faint conception 
of the struggle it must have cost even these sturdy 
zealots, to abandon their old home with its precious 
memories and associations, all that they held most 
dear, and with a wilderness around them, set them- 
selves about a task full of nothing but anxieties and 
uncertainties. We lose sight of the great responsi- 
bility they thereby incurred, — leaders in a vast en- 
terprise, with no rule of action to guide them, and 
a wilderness to tame before them. We call them 
over-zealous, over-firm, narrow, and bigoted. This 
is the repelling side of their nature. Take a differ- 
ent view, and we shall find that these Puritan fathers 
were good and faithful men, '• blameless and exem- 
plary in character and life," and founders of a godly 
commonwealth. " The household purity, the do- 
mestic fidelity, the family discipline, the industry, 
thrift, and steadily increasing prosperity,'' of the Bay 
Colony, are all the fruits of their influence. 

While we may be tempted to find fault with their 
ways and methods, let us not keep out of sight their 
true and noble natures. 



CHAPTER II. 

1633-1652. 
JOHN COTTON. 

Arrival of Cotton. — His Installation as Teacher. — Life of Cotton. — 
Boston Association of Congregational Ministers. — Cotton's Influ- 
ence. — Salaries of the Ministers, how provided for. — Sympathy 
for the Indians. — Discussion about Veils. — Dispute with Roger 
Williams. — Dismissal from First Church doubted by some of 
Charlestown. — Rules of Doctrine laid down by Cotton. — Unsuc- 
cessful Attempt to reduce the Number of Lectures. — Ministers 
appointed to "deal" with Eliot. — Convince him of Error.— 
Cotton helps to save the Common. — Council of Ministers at Bos- 
ton. — Endicott admonished for defacing the Crosses. — Return 
of Wilson. — Arrival of Vane and Norton. — Formation of Cam- 
bridge Church. — Fast proclaimed in all the Churches. — Growth 
of Liberalism. — Sermon by Peter. — Hutchinsonian Controversy. 
— Trouble with Wheelwright. — Banishment of Mrs. Hutchinson. 
Attempt to reclaim her, and to admonish her Son Francis Hutch- 
inson. — Banishment of Underbill. — Collins and Hutchinson 
Fined. — Keayne dealt with for Overcharging. — Building of Sec- 
ond House of Worship. — Ministers called to Westminster As- 
sembly. — La Tour. — Gorton. — Death of Winthrop. — Discontent 
in Hingham. — Mission to Bermuda. — Gathering of Second 
Church. 

nPHIS period in the history of First Church is 
amply chronicled by Winthrop in his " Jour- 
nal of New England." Following the lead of a dis- 
tinguished biographer/ " instead of diluting it into 
a mixture from which all the pungency and raciness 

1 Campbell's Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England, Vol. I. 66. 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 25 

would evaporate, I think I shall much better con- 
vey an accurate notion of the character of the indi- 
vidual, and of the manners of the times, by a liberal 
transcript of a few of the most remarkable passages 
of this interesting work." 

"1633], Sept. 4." Arrived the "Griffin," having on 
board John Cotton. " They gat out of England with 
much difficulty, all places being belaid to have taken Mr. 
Cotton and Mr. Hooker, who had been long sought for 
to have been brought into the high commission ; but the 
master being bound to touch at the Wight, the pursui- 
vants attended there, and, in the meantime, the said min- 
isters were taken in at the Downs." 

" On Saturday evening the congregation [of Boston] 
met in their ordinary exercise, and Mr. Cotton, being de- 
sired to speak to the question (which was of the church), 
he showed, out of the Canticles, 6, that some churches 
were as queens, some as concubines, some as damsels, 
and some as doves, &c. He was then (with his wife) 
propounded to be admitted a member. The Lord's day 
following, he exercised in the afternoon, and being to be 
admitted, he signified his desire and readiness to make his 
confession according to order, which he said might be 
sufficient in declaring his faith about baptism (which he 
then desired for his child, born in their passage, and there- 
fore named Seaborn). He gave two reasons why he did 
not baptize it at sea, (not for want of fresh water, for 
he held, sea water would have served:) i, because they 
had no settled congregation there; 2, because a minister 
hath no power to give the seals but in his own congrega- 
tion. He desired his wife might also be admitted a mem- 
ber, and gave a modest testimony of her, but withal 
requested, that she might not be put to make open 
confession, &c., which he said was against the apostle's 



26 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

rule, and not fit for women's modesty ; but that the elders 
might examine her in private. So she was asked, if she 
did consent in the confession of faith made by her hus- 
band, and if she did desire to be admitted, &c. ; whereto 
she answered affirmatively; and so both were admitted, 
and their child baptized, the father presenting it (the 
child's baptism being, as he did then affirm, in another 
case, the father's incentive for the help of his faith, &c.)." 

" 17]. The governour and council met at Boston, and 
called the ministers and elders of all the churches [Salem, 
Watertown, Dorchester, and Roxbury] to consider about 
Mr. Cotton his sitting down. He was desired to divers 
places, and those who came with him desired he might 
sit down where they might keep store of cattle ; but it 
was agreed, by full consent, that the fittest place for him 
was Boston, and in that respect those of Boston might 
take farms in any part of the bay not belonging to other 
towns ; and that (keeping a lecture) he should have 
some maintenance out of the treasury. But divers of the 
counsel, upon their second thoughts, did after refuse this 
contribution." 

" October 10]. A fast was kept at Boston, and Mr. 
Leverett,^ an ancient, sincere professor, of Mr. Cotton's 
congregation in England, was chosen a ruling elder, and 
Mr. Firmin, a godly man, an apothecary of Sudbury in 
England, was chosen deacon, by imposition of hands ; and 
Mr. Cotton was then chosen teacher of the congregation 
of Boston, and ordained by imposition of the hands of the 
presbytery, in this manner: First, he was chosen by all the 
congregation, testifying their consent by erection of hands. 
Then Mr. Wilson, the pastor, demanded of him, if he did 
accept of that call. He paused, and then spake to this 
effect: that howsoever he knew himself unworthy and 

1 N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg. (1850) 121. "He died the 3 : of y<= s'"^, 
1650, having been an useful man both to the church and town." — Church 
Records, 258. 



1633-52.] JOHN COTTON. 2/ 

unsufficient for that place ; yet, having observed all the 
passages of God's providence, (which he reckoned up in 
particular) in calling him to it, he could not but accept it. 
Then the pastor and the two elders laid their hands upon 
his head, and the pastor prayed, and then taking off their 
hands, laid them On again, and, speaking to him by his 
name, they did thenceforth design him to the said office, in 
the name of the Holy Ghost, and did give him the charge 
of the congregation, and did thereby (as by a sign from 
God) indue him with the gifts fit for his office; and lastly 
did bless him. Then the neighboring ministers, which 
were present, did (at the pastor's motion) give him the 
right hand of fellowship, and the pastor made a stipulation 
between him and the conerecration." 



LIFE OF COTTON. 

Cotton came of a good and ancient family. He 
was the eldest son of Rowland Cotton, a lawyer of 
Derby in Derbyshire, England ; was born in that 
town on December 4, 1585, and baptized the 15th 
of the same month. The son of a Puritan father, 
he naturally imbibed his parent's strict religious 
views and doctrine. In the year 1598, at the age 
of thirteen, he entered Trinity College, Cambridge 
(preferred by Puritans to Oxford), where he received 
his degree of B. A. in 1602-3,^ and that of M. A. 
in 1606. P>om Trinity he went to Emmanuel Col- 
lege, and there became, successively, fellow, dean, 
catechist, and head lecturer. He had by this time 

^ The records of Trinity do not extend so far back as the date of his 
first degree; but his M. A. is recorded, and from that the former can be 
deduced with reasonable certainty. 



28 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

acquired a great reputation for scholarship. His 
degree of B. D. was received at Emmanuel. 

'* SUPPLICAT FOR B. D.^ 

'• Coll Email : — 

" Supplicat Reverentiis vestris 
Johannes Cotton ut studium 7 
annorum in Sacra Theologia 
postquam rexerit in Artibus 
una cum omnibus Oppositionibus, 
Responsionibus, Sermonibus, coeterisque 
Exercittuis per Statuta Regia requisitis 
sufficiat et tam, ad opponendum quam 
ad intrandum in eadem Sacra 
Theologia." 

" GUILILIELMUS SANDCROFT." 

He was chosen to fill the office of vicar of St. 
Botolph's Church in Old Boston on June 24, 16 12. 
The following is the entry on the corporation 
records : — 

" Mr. John Cotton, Master of Arts, is now elected vicar 
of this Borough, in the room and place of Mr. Wooll, the 
late incumbent, for that Mr. Alexander upon whom it was 
purposed to bestow the vicarage has yielded up the same. 

1 His sermons at the University, at first, were more calculated to charm 
the intellect than to refresh the soul. " He was at last awakened," says 
George Hood (who derives the account from Cotton Mather), in his little 
sketch of Cotton, appended to his " History of Music in New England," " by 
hearing a sermon from Dr. Sibs, on the misery of those who have but a 
negative righteousness. This was the means of turning not only his heart 
towards vital religion, but his whole course of action for life. From this 
time he preached Christ and him crucified. But it cost him his fame at the 
University. The wits and scholars were unwilling to hear the truth, and 
the Vice-Chancellor no longer offered him the hand of friendship." — Ibid., 
205. Dr. William Everett discusses the subject in a poem on " Cotton in 
the Pulpit at St. Mary's," delivered at the recent celebration of the 250th 
anniversary of First Church in Boston. — The Cominemoraiion by the First 
Church in Boston, etc. (1881), 132. 



1633-52.] JOHN COTTON. 09 

Mr. Cotton is to have his presentation forthwith sealed, 
and to have the same stipend and allowance, that Mr. 
VVooll had." 

His election came about in a curious way. The 
ballots were evenly divided between Cotton and 
one other candidate. The mayor had the cast- 
ing vote, and did not favor Cotton, but curiously 
enouo^h twice made the mistake of voting for him. 
When he called for a third ballot to rectify jiis 
error, they refused his request, whereupon the choice 
fell upon Cotton, through the blunder of his most 
ardent opponent.^ Soon after his settlement at Old 
Boston he went to Cambridge to receive his degree 
of Bachelor of Divinity. In 1613 the parish regis- 
ter of Balsham, County of Cambridge, records his 
marriage with Elizabeth Horrocks of Cambridge. 
" Contractora nomina Ann° Dom. 1613 Johannes 
Cotton de Boston clerc in Theolog. Baccalaureus 
and Elizabetha Horrocks de Cantab : Sigel. nupti 
July 3." He continued in his labors at Old Boston 
for nearly twenty years, preaching with marked suc- 
cess. Great numbers of people came from all parts 
to hear him, till at last his fame reached the ears 
of Bishop Laud. That persecutor of the Puritans 
made no exception in his case, but strove hard to 
have him arrested for non-conformity. The crisis 
came shortly after his second marriage to Sarah 
Story in Old Boston, April 25, 1632. In 1631 he 
had been obliged to give up preaching on account 

1 Cotton Mather's Life of Cotton. 



30 



FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 



of a severe indisposition, and for a short time found 
a residence with the Earl of Lincohi, the father of 
the Lady Arbella, whose brief and romantic career 
has been previously mentioned.^ While there he 
performed the duties of chaplain, and in April, 1631, 
lost his first wife. 

Hutchinson says that Cotton had been threatened 
several times with ^proceedings for non-conformity, 
but that Thomas Leverett^ made intercession and 
got him off. One instance is worth mentioning, 
because of its close resemblance to an event in our 
early colonial history. In 162 1 he was accused, 
with others, of a " very evil done and dangerous 
matter." Somebody had cut off the tops of two 
crosses which adorned the maces carried before the 
mayor of Boston, just as in our early colonial times 
Governor Endicott defaced what he regarded as an 
" idolatrous emblem " in the royal ensign. After 
repeated trials of the case Cotton was found to have 
had no connection with this affair. 

Warrant for his arrest was finally procured through 
the entry of a complaint for quite a different object. 
A " dissolute person in Boston, who had been pun- 
ished by the magistrates, strove to revenge himself 
by informing against them before the High Com- 
missioners' Court in London ; that they did not 
kneel at the sacrament, nor observe some other 
ceremonies which the law prescribed. He was told 

1 Ante, Chap. I. 4. 

2 Chosen rulmg ekler of Boston Church October lo (O. S.), 1633. 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 3 1 

he must put in the minister's name ; he replied, 
' The minister is an honest man, and never did me 
any wrong ; ' but upon entreaty, he put in Mr. Cot- 
ton's name, and letters missive were immediately 
sent to him to summon him before the Court." 
The Earl of Dorset, a warm friend and devoted 
admirer of Cotton, at his request, made intercession 
in this emergency, but without success. He was 
forced to reply to his friend's appeal, " that if he 
had been guilty of drunkenness, uncleanness, or any 
such lesser fault, he could have obtained his pardon ; 
but as he was guilty of Puritanism and non-con- 
formity the crime was unpardonable ; and therefore 
he advised him to flee for his safety." Soon after 
the warrant was issued. Cotton sent in his letter of 
resignation, dated May 7, 1633, to the Bishop of 
Lincoln, who duly accepted the same.^ According 
to the corporation records, the date of the accep- 
tance of his resignation was in July, as will appear 
by the following : — 

" 1633, July 22. Mr. Cotton having yielded up his 
place of being vicar by his letters dated in the same 
month, which his friends, this house, have accepted, Mr. 
Thomas Coney (Mr. Cotton's brother-in-law) stated, that 
the Bishop had declared the vicarage void, and the Mayor 
and burgesses might, when they pleased, present some 
able person thereto. Mr. Anthony Tuckney was there- 
upon elected vicar, at a stipend of 80/. per annum." 

His only object now was to avoid arrest. Before 
taking passage for New England he found a tem- 

^ Hutchinson's Collection of Papers, 249. 



32 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

porary refuge in London, and there came in contact 
with several of the " temporizing sort," who endeav- 
ored to make him practise a feigned conformity ; 
but instead of yielding to the force of their argu- 
ments, he met their advances with such firmness as 
to cause them to alter their own practice.' His 
conduct on that occasion showed unusual strength 
of character. But we must not infer, from this sin- 
gle instance, that Cotton was always so decided in 
the expression of an opinion. In his long letter to 
the Bishop of Lincoln, written in 1624,^ on the 
subject of Church ceremonies, we find no distinct 
avowal of his sentiments. We are left to infer 
that he was still in doubt as to the requirement 
of kneeling at the sacrament ; but the statement 
which he made after he came to this country of 
his practice " many years before he left England " 
is decidedly opposed to this supposition. He says : 
" I forbore all the ceremonies alike at once, many 
years before I left England. The first grounds 
which prevailed with me to forbear one cere- 
mony would not allow me to practise any," He 
then refers to an offer from the Bishop of Lin- 
coln to give him liberty " upon once kneeling at 
sacrament with him at the next Lord's day after." 
But he adds, " I durst not accept his offer of liberty 
upon once kneeling." 

The Bishop was favorably disposed towards Cot- 

1 One of these converts was John Davenport, who alludes to the subject 
in his Life of Cotton. 

2 A copy of it is given in Thompson's History of Boston (Eng.). 



1633-52.] JOHN COTTON. 33 

ton when complained of for non-conformity ; and 
we must conclude that his friendly attitude induced 
the vicar to yield somewhat to the sense of his 
obligation. 

A modern writer ^ has given the matter his spe- 
cial attention, and discusses somewhat at length the 
position assumed by Cotton with regard to the cer- 
emonies of the Church. He says the vicar had an 
assistant at Old Boston (from 16 18 to 1629 one 
Edward Wright; and in 1629 Anthony Tuckney), 
who performed all the ceremonies, including the 
most obnoxious ones of surplice, cross, and kneeling, 
without any interruption from the Puritan part of 
the congregation ; but that, according to Cotton 
Mather, though Cotton attended at public sermons, 
he never did at the " common prayers of the con- 
formable." Mather adds also the statement, that 
" for two years he was conformable, and for nineteen 
restive and dissentient." 

While in concealment at London he wrote a 
beautiful letter to his dear wife' Sarah, dated Octo- 
ber 3, 1632, previous to taking passage aboard the 
Griffin. He was some time in doubt whether to 
seek refuge in Holland, Barbadoes, or New England, 
but was finally moved to come here by letters from 
Winthrop on behalf of Boston Church. In order 
to elude the officers he had been obliged to change 

1 Dr. Nicholas Hoppin, in the Church Monthly for December, 1862, and 
January, 1863, who in support of his position, has taken the trouble to refer 
the writer to Cotton Mather's Life of his grandfather, and to the statement of 
Cotton himself, as quoted by Thompson in his History of Boston (Eng.). 



34 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

his name and dress, and, as we have seen, escaped 
only by a happy chance. His departure from Eng- 
land and arrival at Boston have already been alluded 
to. The latter place seemed to be newly baptized 
at his coming, and the young but spreading colony 
soon felt and appreciated the weight of his influence. 
From the time of that arrival to the date of his 
death he labored unceasingly for its welfare. He 
has left the imprint of his character on his de- 
scendants of to-day. 

In speaking of the amount of daily labor he was 
accustomed to perform, a well-known writer says it 
is simply appalling. Besides preaching, expound- 
ing;, exhortinsf, settlinsf cases of conscience, orivingr 
counsel on public affairs, and presiding over church 
discipline, he engaged in the learned controversies 
of the day, and wrote many books which became 
standard authorities. As opportunity offered, he 
went through the Bible, expounding it for doctrines 
and duties. He was in the midst of repeating this 
task when he died. Among his numerous services 
to the city of Boston, the important one of helping 
to save the public Common will, perhaps, earn for 
him the deepest gratitude of posterity.^ In October, 
following his arrival, he established the Thursday 
Lecture, in continuation of that originated by him 
in Old Boston, which remained under the tutelage 
of the minister of First Church for over two cen- 

1 Wiiithrop's Journal, Vol. I. 152. Palfrey's History of New England, 
Vol. I. 379. Memorial History of Boston, Vol. I. 123. 



1633-52 ] JOHN COTTON. ^5 

turies, till finally given up at a recent date. The 
Election Sermon, begun in 1634, is said to have 
been established by him. As an expounder of the 
Bible — in his day the statute-book of the Common- 
wealth — he had no equal. But in the exercise of 
tliis function he made not the slightest show of arro- 
gance. The statement that to him Boston owes her 
name is probably erroneous, as the record shows 
that the name was given three years before he 
came, in deference, probably, to some of the distin- 
guished undertakers who came from Old Boston 
and had been concerned in its municipal affairs. 
His claim to be called the founder of the Boston 
Latin School has inferential evidence for its sup- 
port.^ 

His literary attainments were of the highest order. 
"He was a good Hebraist, critically versed in 
Greek, and wrote and spoke Latin with great facil- 
ity, in a pure and elegant Ciceronian style, and was 
a good historian. His' library was great, his read- 
ing and learning answerable, himself a living and 
better library." ^ " His voice," we are told, " was 
not loud, but clear and distinct, and easily heard in 
the most capacious auditory." 

His personal appearance is thus described: " His 

1 Rev. R. C. Waterston, in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceed, Vol. XH. 
38S-390, makes out a very strong claim in his favor, pointing to a very 
significant fact, namely, that Cotton formed one of a committee in Old 
Boston to choose an usher. The same writer has a very interesting article 
on Cotton in Ibid. (1867), 460. 

2 His grandson, Cotton Mather, says, " He was a most universaJ scholar, 
a living system of the liberal arts, and a walking library." 



35 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

complexion was fair, sanguine, clear ; his hair was 
once brown, but in his later years white as the 
driven snow. In his countenance was an inexpres- 
sible sort of majesty, which commanded respect from 
all that approached him. He was of medium stat- 
ure, and inclined to corpulency." 

Cotton's views regarding the observance of church 
ceremonies varied, as we have seen, from time to 
time. There is authority ^ for the statement that 
there was a time, during his ministry at Old Boston, 
when that place was not " decidedly Puritan." It 
appears probable, too, that Cotton was not always a 
" rigid non-conformist." ^ His letter to the Bishop 
of Lincoln, in 1624, shows his uncertain state of 
mind at that period. But however much he may 
have varied from the ritualistic requirements of the 
church at home, after his arrival in this country he 
became a decided Congregationalist, " using free 
prayer and an order of worship unlike that to which 
he had been wonted, and adopting, in the disuse of 
other forms identified with prelacy, the distinctive 
Puritan methods of church discipline." ^ 

The following sentences illustrate his manner of 
spending Saturday evenings : — 

1 Rev. G. B. Blenkin, M. A., Prebendary of Lincoln, Vicar of Boston 
[1874] — jV- E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg. (1874), 125. 

2 " It is clear that at the conclusion of Cotton's ministry in Boston the 
generality of the people had no conscientious scruples against conformity, 
even if they did not actually prefer it as the order of their worship." — Dr. 
HOPPIN, in Church Monthly, supra. 

3 The causes which brought about this radical change are discussed in 
the preface to this work. 



MILK 

For 

BABES. 

Drawn 

Out of the Breads of both 

Testaments. 

Chit fly , for the fpirituall nourifhment 

of 'Bo ft on Babes in either Sngland : 

But may be of like ufe for any 

Children. 



^/ John Cotton, "B.^, 

and Teacher to the Church ofStoiion 
in New-England. 

LONDONy 

Printed by ^. Coe,iov Henry Overton, 

and are to be fold at his Shop, in 

^ofej'headK^ty^ 

t6^6. 



1633-52-] ' JOHN COTTON. 37 

" The Sabbath he kept most conscientiously from even- 
ing to evening; and it is supposed to be from his example 
that the custom prevailed so extensively in New England 
of ' resting according to the commandment ' at the going 
down of Saturday's sun. When that evening arrived he 
made a larger exposition at family prayer than at other 
times. Then the children and servants were thoroughly 
exercised in the catechism, probably using such as were 
of his own preparation ; one of which, called ' Milk for 
Babes,' ^ was used for feeding the minds of the New Eng- 
land children for many years after his death. Another, 
called ' Meat for Strong Men,' became their diet at a ma- 
turer age, ' and nourished them up in the words of faith 
and of good doctrine.' The catechising over, there fol- 
lowed prayer, and the singing of a psalm. Mr. Cotton then 
withdrew to his study, and its devotions, till the hour of 
repose." ^ 

In 1 65 1 Cotton preached the second Artillery- 
Election Sermon. 

Towards the close of his life Cotton had a brief 
correspondence with Oliver Cromwell. It appears 
" that the Parliament, that Oliver among and be- 
fore them, had taken solemn anxious thought con- 
cerning Propagating of the .Gospel in New Eng- 
land ; and among other measures passed an act to 
that end. It is probably in special reference to this 
that Cotton has been addressing Oliver, — founding 
too on their general relationship as Soldier of the 
Gospel and Priest of the Gospel, high brother and 
humble one ; appointed, both of them, to fight for 

^ See titlepage of Cotton's "Milk for Babes," heliotyped from the origi- 
nal of a copy in Dr. Deane's possession. 
2 McClure's Life of Cotton, 263. 



38 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

it to the death, each with such weapons as were 
given him." 

The following is the reply of the Lord Pro- 
tector:^ — 

For my esteemed Friend, Mr. Cotton, Pastor of the CJinrch 
at Boston in New England : These. 

[London], 2d October, 1651. 

Worthy Sir, and my Christian Friend, — I re- 
ceived yours a few days since. It was welcome to me 
because signed by you, whom I love and honor in the 
Lord : but more [so] to see some of the same grounds of 
our Actings stirring in you that are in us, to quiet us in 
our work, and support us therein. Which hath had great 
difficulty in Scotland ; by reason we have had to do with 
some who were, I very think, Godly, but through weak- 
ness and the subtlety of Satan, [were] involved against 
the Interests of the Lord and His People. 

With what tenderness we have proceeded with such, 
and that in sincerity, our Papers (which I suppose you 
have seen) will in part manifest; and I give you some 
comfortable assurance of [the same]. The Lord hath 
marvellously appeared even against them. And now, 
again, when all the power was devolved into the Scottish 
King and the Malignant Part}% — they invading England, 
the Lord rained upon them such snares as the Enclosed 
will show. 

Only the Narrative is short in this, That of their 
whole Army, when the Narrative was framed, not five men 
were returned. 

Surely, sir, the Lord is greatly to be feared and to be 
praised ! We need your prayers in this as much as ever. 
How shall we behave ourselves after such mercies? What 

1 Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, CXXV. The original is 
found among the Ayscough MSS., No. 4156, folio 70, British Museum. 



I 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 3^ 

is the Lord a-doing? What Prophecies are now fulfilHng? 
Who is a God Hke ours? To know His will, to do His 
will, are both of Him. 

I took this liberty from business, to salute you thus in 
a word. 

Truly I am ready to serve you and the rest of your 
Brethren and Churches with you. I am a poor, weak crea- 
ture, and not worthy the name of a worm ; yet accepted 
to serve the Lord and His People. Indeed, my dear 
Friend, between you and me, you know not me, — my 
weakness, my inordinate passions, my unskilfulness, and 
every-way unfitness to my work. Yet, yet the Lord, who 
will have mercy on whom He will, does as you see ! Pray 
for me. Salute all Christian friends, though unknown. 
I rest your affectionate friend to serve you, 

Oliver Cromwell. 

Cotton's death, on the 23d December, 1652, was 
said to have been caused by exposure to the wet, in 
crossing the ferry from Cambridge, after preaching 
to the students. He was buried in what has since 
been called the Cotton tomb, in the Chapel Burying 
Ground.^ With the exception of Winthrop, no one 
was a greater loss to the town than Cotton. The 
colonists depended upon him for guidance, both in 



1 The First Church Tomb, commonly called the Cotton Tomb (although 
there are two of that name), in King's Chapel Burying Ground, is marked 
by a broad slate stone, on which are the following inscriptions : " Here 
Lye Intombed the Bodyes of the Famous Reverend and Learned Pas- 
tors of the First Church of CHRIST in Boston, viz. : Mr. John Cotton, 
aged 67 years, Dec^ Decern^'' th^ 23d, 1652. Mr. John Davenport, aged 72 
years, DeC* March the 15"*, 1670. Mr. John Oxenbridge, aged 66 years, 
DeC^' December the 28, 1674. Mr. Thomas Bridge, aged 58 years, DeC^ Sep- 
tember the 26, 1715." This tomb formerly belonged to Elder Oliver. — 
Mciiiorial History of Boston, Vol. I. 555. The same ground also contains the 
dust of John Winthrop, Isaac Johnson, John Norton, and William Emerson, 
the last minister of the church who was there buried. 



40 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

State and Church matters. He was emphatically 
what is called a political preacher, and governed by 
the Bible. 

By his will, dated " 30''' of 9 : 1652," he gave "to 
the Church of Boston a silver vessel, to be vsed 
amongst the other communion plate." 

" In 1857 the Chapel of the Cathedral in Boston 
(Eng.) was restored, having been allowed to decay ; 
and the occasion was made one of interest, as con- 
nected with the name of John Cotton." The local 
paper of that place thus noticed it : ^ — 

" It has long been a cause of surprise to many of the 
citizens of the United States, especially of Massachusetts, 
who visited in Boston (Eng.), that no memorial of Mr. 
Cotton was to be found in the church ; and several of 
these visitors expressed a desire to contribute towards the 
erection of one. 

" It was suggested, in 1854, that the chapel, now re- 
stored and reopened, would be a very desirable locality in 
which to place a memorial of Mr. Cotton ; and a corre- 
spondence was opened with an eminent citizen (Hon. 
Edward Everett) of Boston, Mass., on the subject, which 
resulted in a very liberal and ample subscription to carry 
out the desired object, several of the subscribers being 
descendants of Mr. Cotton in the female line. The work 
of reparation was commenced in 1856, and has been com- 
plete and thorough. The chapel thus restored is about 

1 Many of the following extracts and letters are copied from a MS. 
Genealogy of the Cotton Family in England and America, collected and 
arranged by the late William Gray Brooks of Boston, a descendant of Cot- 
ton, and now in the possession of his son, the Rev. Phillips Brooks. Dr. 
Chauncy once said that "the famous Cotton had more learning and under- 
standing than all that descended from him." We of a later generation at 
least will find no difficulty in qualifying that statement. 



1633-52-] JOHN COTTON. 4I 

40 feet long by 18 broad. It was in a state of dilapidation, 
— the tracery of its very beautiful windows was sadly 
mutilated; the floor broken up and irregular; the roof in 
a very dangerous condition; the outer walls perished and 
decayed in a great measure, and the inner ones disfigured." 

"The chapel was entirely repaired; and the eastern 
arch now contains a beautiful brass tablet, covered by a 
Latin inscription from Mr. Everett. The entire amount 
given by citizens of Massachusetts was £6^^ 2s. 4.d." 

"A grand celebration of the event took place July 21, 
1857, when the chapel was again opened, and is now 
known as the ' Cotton Chapel.' " ^ 

The following is a copy of the inscription by the 
Hon. Edward Everett in memory of Cotton : — 

" In perpetuam Johannis Cottoni memoriam 

Hujus ecclesiae multos per annos 
Regnantibus Jacobo et Carolo Vicarii, 

Gravis, diserti, docti, laboriosi ; 
Deinpropter res sacras in patria misere turbatas, 
Novis sedibus in novo orbe quaesitis, 
Ecclesiae primarias Bostoniae Nov-Anglorum 

Nomen hoc venerabile 
In Cottoni honorem deducentis, 
Vsque ad finem vitae summa laude 

Summaque in rebus tarn hunianis quam divinis auctoritate 
Pastoris et doctoris ; 

Annis ccxxv post migrationem ejus peractis, 
Prognati ejus civesque Bostonienses Americani 
A fratribus Anglicis ad hoc pium munus provocati, 
Ne viri eximii nomen 
Utriusque orbis desiderii et decoris 
Diutius a templo nobili exularet, 
In qua per tot annos oracula divina 
Diligenter docte sancteque enuntiavisset, 

^ A list of subscribers to the " Cotton fund " is given in N. E. Hist, 
and Geneal. Reg. (1874), 15. 



42 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

Hoc sacellum restaurandum et banc tabulam ponendam 
Anno salutis recuperatas Cl3. I3CCC. LV. 
Libenter grate curaverunt." ' 

During the short residence of Henry Vane in 
Boston he Hved with Cotton, and made an addition 
to the house, which he left to the teacher on his 
departure. This house stood on the lot now occu- 
pied by Tremont Row, and near the southeast cor- 
ner of the entrance to Pemberton Square. The 
ancient structure was standing, and called the oldest 
house in Boston, until swept away by the march of 
improvement in 1835. The rear part retained its 
old-fashioned appearance to the very last, having 
small casements and diamond panes in leaden 
sashes, the latter being hung on hinges and opening 
outwards. 

In the " Book of Possessions " is recorded : — 

" Mr. John Cotton, i house and garden and about half 
an acre of land with an acre adjoining, bounded with Sud- 
bury (now Tremont Row) east, Bendall north, the Centurie 
hill west, and Mr. Bellingham south. This situation was 
long called ' Cotton's Hill.' 

"In his will, proved Jan. 27, 1652/3, he says: 'And 
because the south part of my house, which Sir Henry 
Vane built while he sojourned with me, he by a deed gaue 
it at his departure to my son Seaborne, I do therefore 
leaue it unto him as by right, &c. — He also mentions his 
wife's house and garden in the market place in Boston 
(England). — If his wife and children die without heirs, 
or if they shall transplant themselves from hence into Old 
England, then my will is, and I give the farm at Muddy 

1 N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg. (1874), 15. 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 43 

River ^ (now Brookline), one half to the College and one 
half to the Church.' This farm included the two estates 
now or recently in possession of John Kendrick and Moses 
Andrew. Besides his son Seaborne, he left devisees, 
Sarah, wife of Richard Mather, Mariah, wife of Increase 
Mather, and John Cotton, who in 1664 confirmed this de- 
vise to Seaborne, and he sells the part to John Hull, the 
instrument of sale, on parchment, being in possession of N. 
I. Bowditch, Esq., of this city. Mr. Hull, who was mint 
master of the Colony, afterwards purchased the other 
rights. He died in 1683, and the division in 1684 em- 
braced the lands in Boston known as ' Cotton's Hill,' 
commonly so called. These premises afterwards de- 
scended to Mr. Hull's only daughter, Hannah, wife of 
Samuel Sewall. 

" The west line of Cotton's estate extended back as far 
as the estate now occupied by the Mt. Vernon Church 
(Rev. Samuel E. Herrick's) in Ashburton Street. Its 
north line ran 630 feet in a straight course to Tremont 
Row, including all the central portion of what is now Pem- 
berton Square. This estate, after the death of Samuel 
Sewall in 1729, descended to his daughter Judith, who 
married William Cooper, and after her death the premises 
were conveyed to William Vassall in 1758. In 1790 Pat- 
rick Jafifrey became owner; he married Madam Haley. 
It was afterwards owned by Jonathan Mason, and finally 
by Gardner Greene in 1803. 

' " I4"> 10™, 1635. At a publick meeting of y« Inhabitants of Boston, It 
is agreed yt M' W"> Coleburn, M"- W" Aspinwall, M-- Jno. Sanford, W" 
Balstone & Richard Wright, or four of them, shall lay out at Muddy River, a 
sufficient Allottment for a farm for o"" Teacher, M'^ John Cotton. 

" 1° 9"^ '"°, 1636. At a Meeting of y= Select men of Boston, It was 
agreed y' o'' Teacher, M'' John Cotton, shal have unto his Lott at Muddy 
River, all y*" ground Lying between y^ two' Brooks, next to William Cole- 
mans allottment there, & so to y*^ other end, unto y*^ shortest over cutt be- 
yond y^ Hill, towards y*= Norwest." See Notes in the fly-leaves of the 
Maria Cotton Bible, m/ra. 



44 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTOxN. [1633-52. 

" His whole estate, which he enjoined should be ap- 
praised at a fair value, amounted to ^^"2,843 igs. 3<^." ^ 

The following epitaph on Cotton is said to have 
been composed by B. Woodbridge (H. C, 1642): — 

"A Living, Breathing Bible; Tables where 
Both Covenants, at Large, engraven were ; 
Gospel and Law, in 's Heart, had each its Column; 
His Head an Index to the Sacred Volume ; 
His very Name a Title Page ; and next, 
His Life a Commentary on the Text. 
O, What a Monument of Glorious Worth, 
When, in a New Edition, he comes forth. 
Without Errata's, may we think he '1 be 
In Leaves and Covers of Eternity ! " ^ 

" Twenty-one of the descendants of John Cotton in the 
male line (besides the many through male or female of 
the Mather blood, and many granddaughters and other 
females) had been in 1818 graduated at Harvard, of whom 
two thirds were clergymen. 

"His widow married Richard Mather; she deceased 
May 27, 1676." 

The marriage settlement of Richard Mather and 
Sarah Cotton is on record in the Probate Office, 
Boston, dated July 28, 1654: — 

" Mr. Richard Mather, Pastor to the Church of Dorches- 
ter, was marryed to Mrs, Sarah Cotton, Widdow, 26: 6: 56, 
by John Endicott, Gov'." — Original Record. 

The old record book of births and deaths in Bos- 
ton gives the following: — 

1 W. G. Brooks's MS. Genealogy of Cotton. 

2 Sibley, Harvard Graduates, Vol. I. 27. 



1633-52.] JOHN COTTON. 45 

" Seaborne, sonne of John Cotton and Sarah his wife, 
was borne 12" (6), 1633 (married, first, Dorothy Brad- 
street; second, Prudence Crosby). 

" Sarahiah, daughter of John Cotton and Sarah his wife, 
was borne 12" (7), 1635 (died Jan. 20, 1649-50; betrothed 
to Jon^* Mitchell). 

" Elizabeth, daughter of John Cotton and Sarah his wife, 
was borne 9" (10), 1637 (baptized Dec. 10, 1637; married 
Jeremiah Eggerton, died Aug. 31, 1656). 

" John, Sonne of John Cotton and Sarah his wife, was 
borne 15" (i), 1639 (married Joanna Rossiter). 

" Mariah, daughter of John Cotton and Sarah his wife, was 
borne 16" (12), 1641 (married Rev. Increase Mather)."^ 

Soon after the arrival of Cotton originated what 
afterwards became known as the Boston Associa- 
tion of Congregational Ministers.^ The pastors and 
teachers of the churches in the Bay Colony be- 
longed to this fraternity, which met once a fortnight 
at the houses of the members. Mr. Skelton and 
Mr. Williams, both of Salem, took exception to it, 
" as fearing it might grow to a presbytery or super- 
intendency, to the prejudice of the church's liber- 

1 Crescentius Mather, the father of Cotton Mather, married Maria, the 
sole surviving daughter of Rev. John Cotton, "y"^ 6 day of y^ I month, being 
y^ fifth day of y^ weeke, i66X-" See Notes in the fly-leaves of a Bible pre- 
sented to Maria Cotton by her father, the Rev. John Cotton, and now in the 
cabinet of the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. 

" There are numerous descendants of Cotton living among us ; and on 
October 4, 1S59, occurred in Plymouth the death of Mrs. Priscilla Cotton, at 
the age of ninety-nine years and four days. Born in Plymouth September 
30, 1760, in the reign of George II., she married John Cotton, fourth in de- 
scent from old John. Up to 1740 there had been twenty-seven preachers 
of this stock in New England." — William T. Davis in a Letter to Hon. R. 
C. IVintkrop, Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceed., Vol. XIII. 211. 

2 Emerson's History of First Church, 21. 



46 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

ties." But their fears proved groundless, as no 
jurisdiction of the kind was ever asserted. 

The prominent place in the community occupied 
by Cotton at once became apparent ; and in the 
church of Boston the fruit of his labors was par- 
ticularly noticeable after his call to office. " More 
were converted and added to that church than to 
all the other churches in the Bay. Divers profane 
and notorious evil persons came and confessed 
their sins, and were comfortable received into the 
bosom of the church. Yea, the Lord gave witness 
to the exercise of prophecy, so as thereby some were 
converted and others much edified. Also, the Lord 
pleased greatly to bless the practice of discipline, 
wherein he gave the pastor, Mr. Wilson, a singular 
gift, to the great benefit of the church." 

" After much deliberation and serious advice, the 
Lord directed the teacher, Mr. Cotton, to make it 
clear by the Scripture that the minister's main- 
tenance, as well as all other charges of the church, 
should be defrayed out of a stock or treasury, which 
was to be raised out of the weekly contribution ; 
which, accordingly, was agreed upon. . . . Mr. Cot- 
ton had disbursed eighty pounds for his passage, 
and towards his house, which he would not have 
again ; so there was about ^60 raised towards the 
finishing of his house, and about ^100" towards 
his maintenance and that of Mr. Wilson. 

During the months of November and December 
the small-pox broke out among the Indians, sweep- 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 



47 



ing away great numbers of them. Their own 
people fled from the disorder ; but the English, 
among others Mr. Maverick, not in full communion 
with the church, were very constant in their minis- 
trations. 

At one of the early Thursday lectures, of which 
Winthrop first makes mention, a question was 
raised as to whether it were the duty of women to 
veil themselves in public. After quite a grave con- 
troversy, in the course of which Mr. Cotton took 
the position " that where (by the custom of the 
place) they were not a sign of the women's sub- 
jection, they were not commanded by the apostle," 
in which he was opposed by Mr. Endecott, " the 
governour [Winthrop] interposed ; and so it brake 
off." 

Divers disputes arose this year between Roger 
Williams (then of Salem) and the authorities of the 
Bay Colon3\ 

"27] The governour and assistants met at Bos- 
ton," and, after consulting " some of the most 
judicious ministers," ordered his "convention" at 
the next court. He was charo^ed with callino: in 
question the validity of King James's grant, claim- 
ing that they had no title to the land in their occu- 
pancy, unless it was secured by buying off the 
natives. His answer was so penitent, and the as- 
surance of his loyalty so satisfactory, that, upon his 
retraction and taking the oath of allegiance, it was 
agreed to release him. His present mood did not 



48 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

long continue, however, for next year he is charged 
with reiterating some of his former opinions, and, 
in addition, calling the churches of England anti- 
Christian. In July, 1635, he again appears before 
the court. Meantime the church of Salem, in 
what seemed like contempt of the magistrates, had 
chosen him teacher. The church and their minister 
were allowed further time " to consider of these 
things," and then either to give satisfaction or sub- 
mit to the decree of the court. At the General 
Court in October following, all the ministers in the 
Bay being summoned to attend, Mr, Williams was 
again convented. The charge this time was for 
having " broached and divulged divers new and 
dangerous opinions against the authority of the 
magistrates, as also writ letters of defamation both 
of the magistrates and churches here." 

Mr. Hooker was deputed to " reduce him " from 
error, but to no purpose ; and the court finally 
sentenced him to depart out of the jurisdiction 
within six weeks, " all the ministers save one ap- 
proving." His own church then refused to sustain 
him by declining to renounce communion with the 
other churches in the Bay, as he had requested 
them to do. Further liberty was given him till 
spring, provided he did not "go about trying to 
draw others to his opinion ; " but, it coming to the 
ears of the authorities that he continued to preach 
his new doctrines, it was decided to send him back 
to England by a ship then about to sail. " Where- 



1633-52.] JOHN COTTON. 49 

upon a warrant was sent to him to come to Bos- 
ton to be shipped." But he offered some excuse 
for avoiding the summons ; and when they sent 
Captain Underhill to apprehend him, it was found 
that he had left three days before for parts un- 
known. 

Viewed from the standpoint of a Theocratic form 
of government, it may well be doubted whether our 
fathers could have pursued any different course in 
dealing with Williams without at least imperilling 
the safety of their enterprise. Any one who saw fit 
to deny the authority of the government, as he did, 
was of course a dangerous element in the com- 
munity. While we may regret that any such pro- 
ceeding as was resorted to in his case was thought 
to be necessary, we must not let our feelings control 
our judgment. There was room enough outside for 
such as wished to try the experiment of setting up 
a different form of government without running the 
risk of upsetting one already established. It may 
be said that this view presents but one side of the 
question, and leaves out of consideration the merits 
of the entire controversy. This may be true. But 
let us here simply content ourselves with the reflec- 
tion that what seems like harsh treatment in his case 
was not so in reality, — at least not as regards any 
actual discomforts attending his removal. The whole 
country was then little better than a wilderness ; 
and, so far as climate, soil, and surroundings were 
concerned, the new home which he soon found in 

4 



50 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

Rhode Island would certainly compare favorably 
with any of his former habitations. 

A doubt now arose in the minds of some of the 
Charlestown people as to whether they had been in 
fact dismissed from Boston Church. Such an anxi- 
ety may seem to us a little singular, but at that time 
" the rules and discipline of the church were so 
rigidly observed that a person coming from a neigh- 
boring church, in which he was here well known to 
enjoy a fair character and a regular standing, could 
not be received without renewing the profession of 
his faith." Take, for example, the following: — 

" April 20, 1634, John Coggshall, gentleman, being dis- 
missed from the church of Roxbury to Boston, though he 
were well known and approved of the church, yet was not 
received but by confession of his faith." 

" 1634. May 14."] At the General Court Cot- 
ton preached ' the doctrine that a magistrate ought 
not to be turned out of office without just cause, and 
under no circumstances should he be arraigned as 
a public criminal, any more than a magistrate may 
turn a private man out of his freehold without just 
cause. 

On another and a similar occasion Cotton preached 
from Hag. ii. 4, on the " nature or strength (as he 
termed it) of the magistracy, ministry, and people ; 
viz., the strength of the magistracy to be their au- 
thority ; of the people, their liberty ; and of the 

1 Supposed to be the first general election sermon. 



1633-52-] JOHN COTTON, 51 

ministry, their purity; and showed how all of these 
had a negative voice, and that yet the ultimate reso- 
lution ought to be in the whole body of the people, 
. . . which gave great satisfaction to the company." 

" October 5."] An attempt was made to reduce 
the number of lectures. Accordinorly the ministers, 
witli the advice of the magistrates, and with the 
consent of the congregations, agreed to hold two, 
instead of four, as formerly, and have them in dif- 
ferent towns, Mr. Cotton delivering one in Boston 
on Thursday. But, on December 11, the former 
practice was resumed, as the severe weather made 
it inconvenient for people to travel. 

" November 2 7."] Mr. Eliot, teacher of the church 
in Roxbury, having lately found fault, so it was 
said, in one of his sermons, with the course which 
the ministers pursued in making terms of peace 
with the Pequods, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Hooker, and 
Mr. Welde were appointed to " deal " with him, in 
order to make him see his error and give satisfac- 
tion. The three ministers accordingly conferred 
with Mr. Eliot, and brought him to admit that he 
had been at fault, and he was led to clear himself in 
public on the next Lord's day. 

"Dec. II."] This day, after lecture, Mr. Cotton 
exerted his influence successfully towards securing 
a new election for public ofBcers who should divide 
up the town lands. The poorer classes had com- 
bined to elect a different set of men from those 
hitherto in office, in order to obtain a more liberal 



52 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

distribution. The seven men who were afterwards 
chosen, in accordance with Mr. Cotton s suggestion, 
made a fair division, and without any needless sacri- 
fice, taking good care to preserve a decent portion 
of the lands to be used in common by all the in- 
habitants.^ 

" T 3."] This day the Church held a fast on account 
of the " absence of their pastor and other brethren 
gone to England, and like to be detained there," 
and for the loss of four persons (one of them a 
member of Boston Church) who had been drowned 
in the harbor. 

" 19."] At a council of ministers held at Boston, 
all being present except Mr. Ward of Ipswich, two 
questions were propounded : First, If a general 
governor is sent over from England, what shall we 
do 1 Second, Is it lawful to carry the cross on our 
ensigns ? There was some difference of opinion as 
to the second point ; but as to the first, they all 
agreed that they ought not to accept him, but, if 
unable to oppose him, to " avoid or protract." 

"1635. Mo. 3. 6."] At the General Court held 
at Newtown for the election of magistrates, Endicott 
of Salem " was left out, and called into question for 
defacino^ the cross in the ensisrn." The committee 
who were appointed to inquire into the matter, 
after some deliberation, reported against him, and 

1 By this means the Boston Common is said to have been preserved for 
the enjoyment of posterity. " The first positive enactment by which the 
Common became a fixed tract of land, substantially as we now have it, was 
in March, 1640." — Memorial History of Boston, Vol. I. 517. 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 53 

"adjudged him worthy admonition, and to be dis- 
abled one year from bearing any public office, de- 
clining any heavier sentence, because they were 
persuaded he did it out of tenderness of conscience, 
and not of any evil intent." 

This decision gave rise to so much difference of 
opinion that the ministers promised to take hold 
of the matter, and " to write into England to have 
the judgment of the most wise and godly there." 
Whether they received any reply or not is un- 
known ; but, at a General Court held the same year, 
the military commissioners, who were ordered to 
" appoint colors " for the different companies and at 
Castle Island, " left out the cross in all of them." 

" Mo. 8. 6."] Mr. Wilson returned from Eng- 
land, with his wife and family. Thomas Shepard, 
Hugh Peter, and other ejected ministers, arrived 
the same day. 

" November i."] Mr. Henry Vane, son and heir 
to Sir Henry Vane, a privy councillor, was admitted 
a member of the church. 

" lober, 10."] Mr. Norton arrived at Plymouth. 

" Mo. 12. I."] Cambridge Church is gathered, 
Mr. Cotton giving the right hand of fellowship. 

" 25."] A general fast proclaimed by the churches. 
" The church of Boston renewed their covenant this 
day, and made a large explanation of that which 
they had first entered into, and acknowledged such 
failinsfs as had fallen out." 

" 1636. April."] The question came up about 



54 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

this time as to how those persons should be treated 
who, while visiting England, joined in the Episcopal 
worship. Should they be excommunicated for so 
doing ? The method of dealing with this question 
exhibits a dawning sense of liberality ; for, notwith- 
standing their separation from the mother church, 
it was treated as a matter of opinion worthy at least 
of allowance. 

" Mo. 3. 15."] Mr, Peter preached at Boston, 
and, among other things, earnestly requested the 
church to allow Mr. Cotton to go through the Scrip- 
tures and "raise marginal notes" on the knotty passa- 
ges ; and, further, to secure employment for " people 
(especially women and children in the winter time), 
for he feared that idleness would be the ruin both 
of church and commonwealth." 

Towards the latter part of this year 

" One Mrs. Hutchinson, a member of the church of 
Boston,^ a woman of a ready wit and bold spirit, brought 
over with her two dangerous errours : i. That the person 
of the Holy Ghost dwells in a justified person; 2. That no 
sanctification can help to evidence to us our justification. 
From these two grew many branches ; as, (i) our union 
with the Holy Ghost, so as a Christian remains dead to 
every spiritual action, and hath no gifts or graces, other 
than such as are in hypocrites, nor any other sanctifica- 
tion but the Holy Ghost himself. 

" There joined with her in these opinions a brother of 
hers, one Mr. Wheelwright, a silenced minister sometimes 
in England." 

1 She had been a member of Cotton's congregation in England, and 
arrived in thi.s country Sept. iS, 1634, to enjoy his ministry. 



i6:3-52.] JOHN COTTON. ^5 

Nothing better illustrates the sensitive spirit of 
the times regarding religious topics than the pro- 
longed controversy which now ensued. The whole 
colony was stirred up by the discussion, till at last 
the contention became so alarming as to require the 
attention of the court. Such was the intimate rela- 
tion between the Church and State in those early 
days that the slightest disturbance of one body was 
sure to react on the other. Mr. Cotton himself was 
thought by some to be too much in sympathy with 
the new doctrine; and several of Boston Church, 
encouraged by his seeming approval or sympathy 
of opinion, were for calling Mr. Wheelwright to 
be their teacher. 

On the question coming up, 

" One ^ of the church stood up and said he could not 
consent. His reason was because, the church being well 
furnished already with able ministers, whose spirits they 
knew, and whose labors God had blessed in much love and 
sweet peace, he thought it not fit (no necessity urging) to 
put the welfare of the church to the least hazard, as he 
feared they should do by calling in one whose spirit they 
knew not, and one who seemed to dissent in judgment, and 
instanced in two points which he delivered in a late exer- 
cise there : i. That a behever was more than a creature. 
2. That the person of the Holy Ghost and a believer were 
united. Hereupon the governour [Vane] spake, — that he 
marvelled at this, seeing Mr. Cotton had lately approved 
his doctrine. To this Mr. Cotton answered that he did 
not remember the first, and desired Mr. Wheelwright to 

1 Savage says, " Without doubt, Winthrop himself." Winthiop's Jour- 
nal, Vol. I. 202, note. 



56 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

explain his meaning. He denied not the points, but 
showed upon what occasion he dehvered them. Where- 
upon, there being an endeavour to make a reconciliation, 
the first replied that, although Mr. Wheelwright and him- 
self might likely agree about the point, and although he 
thought reverendly of his godliness and abilities, so as he 
could be content to live under such a ministry, yet, seeing 
he was apt to raise doubtful disputations, he could not 
consent to choose him to that place. Whereupon the 
church gave way, that he might be called to a new church, 
to be gathered at Mount Woolaston." 

It will be neither expedient nor profitable to con- 
sider the technical bearing of this controversy. It 
covers many pages of Winthrop's journal, and so 
intricate did the discussion become that the orio-inal 
point in controversy was soon lost sight of. All of 
First Church, except the pastor and three or four 
others, sided with Mr. Cotton, whose views, as has 
been stated, were somewhat in accord with those of 
Mrs. Hutchinson. Parties were formed at the next 
court on the basis of the new opinions. Mr. Cotton 
and his followers here found themselves in a minority, 
owing to the opposition of the country ministers and 
their churches. 

"(11) 20."] "A general fast was kept in all the 
churches. The occasion was the miserable estate of all 
the churches in Germany ; the calamities upon our native 
country, the bishops making havoc in the churches, putting 
down the faithful ministers, and advancing popish cere- 
monies and doctrines ; the plague raging exceedingly, and 
famine and sword threatening them ; the dangers of those 
at Connecticut, and of ourselves also, by the Indians ; and 
the dissensions in our churches. 



1633-52-] JOHN COTTON. 57 

'* The differences in the said points of religion increased 
more and more ; and the ministers of both sides (there 
being only Mr. Cotton of one party) did pubhcly declare 
their judgments in some of them, so as all men's mouths 
were full of them. And there being, 12 mo. 3, a ship 
ready to go for England, and many passengers in it, Mr. 
Cotton took occasion to speak to them about the differences, 
&c., and willed them to tell our countrymen that all the 
strife amongst us was about magnifying the grace of 
God ; one party seeking to advance the grace of God 
within us, and the other to advance the grace of God 
towards us (meaning by the one justification, and by the 
other sanctification), and so bade them tell them that, if there 
were any among them that would strive for grace, they 
should come hither, and so declared some particulars. Mr. 
Wilson spake after him, and declared that he knew none 
of the elders or brethren of the churches, but did labor to 
advance the free grace of God in justification, so far as the 
word of God required ; and spake also about the doctrine 
of sanctification, and the use and necessity, &c., of it; by 
occasion whereof no man could tell (except some few who 
knew the bottom of the matter) where any difference was ; 
which speech, though it offended those of Mr. Cotton's party, 
yet it was very seasonable to clear the rest, who otherwise 
should have been reputed to have opposed free grace. 
Thus every occasion increased the contention, and caused 
great alienation of minds ; and the members of Boston (fre- 
quenting the lectures of other ministers) did make much 
disturbance by publick questions and objections to their 
doctrines which did any way disagree from their opinions ; 
and it began to be as common here to distinguish between 
men by being under a covenant of grace or a covenant 
of works, as in other countries between Protestants and 
Papists." 

"(1)9."] At the General Court, which now be- 
gan, Mr. Wilson was sustained in his position. 



58 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

The ministers were called upon at this session to 
give their opinion about the authority of the court 
in church matters. They all agreed that no mem- 
ber of the court ought to be publicly questioned by 
a church for any speech without the license of the 
court ; and, secondly, " that in all such heresies or 
errours of any church members as are manifest and 
dangerous to the State, the court may proceed with- 
out tarrying for the church ; but if the opinions be 
doubtful, they are first to refer them to the church. 
At this court, when Mr. Wheelwright was to be 
questioned for a sermon which seemed to tend to 
sedition, near all the church of Boston presented a 
petition to the court for two things : i. That, as free- 
men, they might be present in cases of judicature. 
2. That the court would declare if they might deal 
in cases of conscience before the church. This was 
taken as a groundless and presumptuous act, espe- 
cially at this season, and was rejected, with this 
answer : That the court had never used to proceed 
judicially, but it was openly; but, for matter of con- 
sultation and preparation in causes, they might and 
would be private." 

" One Stephen Greensmith," a person apparently 
of some consequence, " for saying that all the min- 
isters, except A, B, C," (Cotton, Wheelwright, 
" and, as he thought, Mr. Hooker,") did teach a 
covenant of works, was censured to acknowledge 
his fault in every church, and fined ^40.^ Mr. 

^ James Penn and Edward Bendall, of Boston Church, were his sureties 
on a bond for that amount. Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. 34S. 



1633-52-] JOHN COTTON. 59 

Wheelwright caused further trouble at this time by 
a sermon preached in Braintree on a fast-day ap- 
pointed to pacify the strife. He was sustained, as 
usual, by Governor Vane and the majority of Boston 
Church, and enjoined to appear at the next court.^ 

" 1637. Mo. 2. 6."] The following is perhaps wor- 
thy of note. When the church of Concord ordained 
their ministers, " the Governour, and Mr. Cotton, and 
Mr. Wheelwright, and the two ruling elders of Bos- 
ton, and the rest of that church which were of any 
note, did none of them come to this meeting. The 
reason was conceived to be because they accounted 
these as legal preachers, and therefore would not 
give approbation to their ordination." ^ 

The attention of the court at the next meeting 
was again drawn to the sermon of Mr. Wheelwright ; 
but in order that " their moderation and desire of 
reconciliation might appear to all," and to give time 
for the churches to meet and confer, respite was 
allowed to the next session. 

"Mo. 4. 15."] All the churches kept a day of 
thanksgiving " for the victory obtained against the 
Pequods and for other mercies." 

" 26."] Mr. Davenport arrived from England. 

" Mo. 6. 5."] As a result of the religious excite- 
ment, a woman of Boston congregation became so 

1 Wheelwright labored principally at Braintree, then included within the 
wide range of Boston Church. See Pattee's History of Old Braintree and 
Quincy, 181. 

'■^ The same principle was adhered to when Wilson was chosen teacher in 
August, 1630, a;ih', Chap. I. 8. 



6o FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

worried about her spiritual condition that, in a fit 
of derangement, she threw her infant into a well, and 
then came into the house and said, " now she was 
sure she should be damned, for she had drowned her 
child." But, Winthrop adds, " some, stepping pres- 
ently forth, saved the child." 

About this time an attempt at a reconciliation took 
place between Cotton, Wheelwright, and Wilson. 
The 24th of the month was set down by the elders 
for a day of humiliation, and the 30th for a con- 
ference. 

" 17.] Mr. Davenport preached at Boston (it being 
the lecture day) out of that in i Cor. ; I exhort you, 
brethren, that there be no divisions among you ; wherein, 
as he fully set forth the nature and danger of divisions, and 
the disorders which were among us, so he clearly discovered 
his judgment against the new opinions and bitter practices 
which were sprung up here." 

" Mo. 6. 30."] The Cambridge Synod began. 
Representatives from all the churches were present. 
The meeting was attended with much warmth of dis- 
cussion. " Some of Boston," becoming offended at a 
declaration of errors, " departed from the assembly." 
Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wheelwright, however, were 
given an opportunity to present their side of the 
question ; and a better understanding, for a time at 
least, seems to have resulted from the aro-uments. 

" Mo. 7.] The last day of the assembly other questions 
were debated and resolved: i. That, though women might 
meet (some few together) to pray and edify one another, 



1633-52.] JOHN COTTON. 61 

yet such a set assembly (as was then in practice at Boston), 
where sixty or more did meet every week, and one woman 
(in a prophetical way, by resolving questions of doctrine 
and expounding scripture) took upon her the whole exer- 
cise, was agreed to be disorderly, and without rule. 

2. " Though a private member might ask a question 
publicly, after sermon, for information; yet this ought, to 
be very wisely and sparingly done, and that with leave of 
the elders ; but questions of reference (then in use) where- 
by the doctrines delivered were reproved, and the elders 
reproached, and that with bitterness, was utterly con- 
demned. 

3. " That a person refusing to come to the assembly, to 
abide the censure of the church, might be proceeded against 
though absent ; yet it was held better that the magistrates' 
help were called for, to compel him to be present. 

4. " That a member differing from the rest of the church 
in any opinion, which w'as not fundamental, ought not for 
that to forsake the ordinances there ; and if such did 
desire dismission to any other church, which was of his 
opinion, and did it for that end, the church whereof he was 
ought to deny it for the same end." 

" 22."] Adjourned sine die. A motion made by 
the Governor to consider about the maintenance of 
the ministers according to the rule of the gospel was 
dismissed, " lest it should be said, that this assembly 
was gathered for their private advantage." 

" 26."] Mr. Davenport preached a sermon on 
" Unity." 

" 8. 12.] A day of thanksgiving kept in all the churches 
for our victories against the Pequods, and for the success 
of the assembly; but, by reason of this latter, some of 
Boston would not be present at the publick exercises." 



62 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

Effectual measures were now taken to root out 
the opinions which had caused so much alarm in 
the colony. For this purpose the authors of the 
mischief were first banished. 

In spite of the sympathy felt for the views of Mrs. 
Hutchinson by most of the members of the old 
church, what was regarded as her inconsiderate 
behavior at last drove the court to take extreme 
measures to be rid of her. Mr. Wheelwright, still 
persisting in his " errours," was disfranchised and 
banished.^ 

William Aspinwall and John Coggeshall, both 
deputies for Boston and sympathizers with Mr. 
Wheelwright, the former having drawn up and 
signed a remonstrance in his favor, also suffered 
the same penalty. 

Of the others who signed this petition, some 
seventy in all, Captain Underbill and five or six 
more were disfranchised, and the rest disarmed. 

Mrs. Hutchinson w^as first admonished, in hopes 
that that would convince her of error, and persuade 
her to make satisfaction ; but, still persisting, she 
was finallv cast out.^ 

1 He was released from banishment in 1644, and before he died, in 1680, 
became the oldest minister in the colony. 

'^ Church Records, 10. 

The following is a copy of the order of court above referred to : " Whereas 
the opinions and revelations of Mr. Wheelwright and Mrs. Hutchinson have 
seduced and led into dangerous errors many of the people here in New Eng- 
land, insomuch as there is just cause of suspicion that they, as others in 
Germany in former times, may, upon some revelation, make some sudden 
inruption upon those that differ from them in judgment ; for prevention 
whereof it is ordered that all those whose names are underwritten shall (upon 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 63 

The followlnsf is the record : — 



'!=> 



"The 22"> of y" j^' Moneth, 1638. An;ie the wife of o' 
Brother Willyam HiUcJiiuson, having on y" 15"' of this 
Moneth bcene openly in Pubhque Congregation admon- 
ished of sundry Erro's held by her, was on y*" same 
22"" day Cast out of y" Church for impenitently p.sisting 
in a manifest lye then expressed by her in open Con- 
gregation." 

She seemed to glory in her martyrdom ; and it 
was not Until a warrant was issued by the Governor 
requiring her to leave the jurisdiction before the end 
of the month that she finally departed. But it was 
a lono^ time before the church ceased to be troubled 
by her and her sect. After leaving these parts, she 
first went to Rhode Island, but subsequently removed 
to the main-land opposite Long Island, where, five 
or six years later, with all her family but one son 
and one daughter,^ she was murdered by the Indians, 
— forming a fearful climax to her eventful career. 

During her stay in Rhode Island Mrs. Hutchin- 
son gathered about her all the disaffected spirits in 
the community. Rhode Island was then a harbor- 
age for religious outcasts. 

warning given or left at their dwelling-houses) before the thirtieth day of this 
month of November, deliver in at Mr. Cane's [Keayne's] house, at Boston, 
all such guns, pistols, swords, powder, shot, and match as they shall be own- 
ers of, or have in their custody, upon pain of ten pounds for every default 
to be made thereof." — Court Records, Vol. I. 207. A like penalty was en- 
joined, if any of those thus disarmed should purchase any arms or ammu- 
nition. Life of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, by George E. Ellis, in Sparks's 
American Biography, Vol. VI. 298. 

1 The son remained behind in Boston ; but the daughter was carried into 
captivity. 



64 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

Here she attempted to establish a church of her 
own " in a disordered way," which became a thorn 
to the Boston congregation. 

" Upon a fast, which was observed in Massachusetts 
Dec. 1 3, 1 638, on account of" prevaiHng sicknesses and 
heresies and the general declining of professors to 
the world, Mr. Cotton bewailed the state of things, 
and reviewed the whole controversy caused by Mrs. 
Hutchinson. He gave, doubtless, a perfectly true 
and candid statement of his part in it, and complained 
that his own name had been abused, and his opin- 
ions perverted, and himself made a cloak by seducers 
and heretics. Doctrines bearing only a resemblance 
to those which he had preached had been taught, 
and then ascribed to him, for the sake of entrapping 
others, but denied by their authors to himself, when 
he had expostulated with them. He acknowledged 
the justice of the sentence of banishment against the 
leaders in the mischief, without naming them ; but 
he recommended that those whom they had misled 
should be dealt with by the church, or imprisoned, 
or fined, instead of being banished, as this extreme 
punishment would sever them from all religious 
privileges, and lead them into worse heresies. The 
teacher doubtless suggested, at the same time, some 
church proceedings in reference to those at the 
Island." ^ Strange mishaps to Mrs. Hutchinson, 
and one Mrs. Dyer, a devoted follower, afterwards 
hanged in Boston as a Quaker, form the subject of 

' Life of Mrs. Hutchinson, in Sparks 's American Biography, Vol. VI. 171. 



J 633-52.] JOHN COTTOx\. 6^ 

a minute discussion by Winthrop. He regards the 
strange malformations with which they labored as a 
special visitation for the sins they had committed. 
But, in the former case at least, they can be satisfac- 
torily explained as the natural result of the " fears and 
tossings to and fro," — an event of not infrequent 
occurrence in medical experience. 

" The church in Boston concluded, upon sending a depu- 
tation of its members to the Island, to make one more 
attempt to reclaim Mrs. Hutchinson and her followers. 
Mr. Welde says that ' four men of a lovely and winning 
spirit ' were sent on this errand ; but by the record ^ it 
appears that only three went, namely. Captain Edward 
Gibbons, Mr. William Hibbins, and Mr. John Oliver. An 
account of their mission is extant in manuscript ; and as 
our (church) histories contain no similar details of acts of 
church discipline, it is here given entire. The return was 
made in the meeting-house, after Mr. Cotton had finished 
his usual public exposition, March i6, 1640.^ 

" Pastor. Those three brethren that were sent by the 
church to those wandering sheep at the Island, being now 
returned, accordinge to the custom of the churches and ser- 
vants of God in the Scripture, when they did returne, they 
gave an account to the church of God's dealinge with 
them, the passages of his providences, and how God car- 

^ Church Records, 12. 

- The account of this mission was copied with great care and precision 
from Keayne's Journal by George E. Ellis, and appeared for the first time in 
print in his Life of Anne Hutchinson, before referred to. The original manu- 
script is preserved in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. 

Captain Robert Keayne was a man of wealth and position. He was a 
brother-in-law of Wilson, and the founder and first commander of the Ancient 
and Honorable Artillery Company. He died 23 : i : 56, leaving the longest 
will (158 folio pages) to be found in the Suffolk Probate Registry. Soon 
after his admonition, as before referred to [ante, 19), he was reconciled to the 
church, and restored to full communion. 

5 



66 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

ried them alonge; it is expected of the church that some 
one of you, or all of you one after another, should declare 
the same, that the church may have matter to praise God 
with you. 

" Brother Hibbins. We think it our duty to give an ac- 
count to the church of God's dealinge with us in our journey 
out and in, and of the success of our business when we 
came to our journey's end, at the Island. The second day 
of the weeke we reached the first night to Mount Wollis- 
tone, where we were refreshed at our brother Savage's 
house, whereby we were comfortably fitted for our journey 
the next day, in which, by the good mercy of God and the 
help of your prayers, God did accompany us with season- 
able weather. 

" And in our journey the first observable providence of 
God that presented itself to our view, and especially to my 
own observation, which was in providing for me a com- 
fortable lodging that second night, which was the thing I 
most feared, because I never was used to lie without a bed. 
There was one that met us in the way that came from 
Cohannet [Taunton], who had a house to himself, and he, 
of his own accord, did give us leave to lodge and abide 
in his house that night, where, myself especially, and all of 
us, had comfortable lodging for that night, which was a 
great refreshing to us, and a deliverance from my fear. 

" The next providence of God that fell out in our jour- 
ney was some manifestations of God's hand against us ; for 
being the fourth day, to pass over a river [Taunton River] 
in a canoe, in which was eight of us, our canoe did hang 
upon a tree, to our very great danger, the water running 
swiftly away. Now, my ignorance was such that I feared 
no danger, though those who had more skill saw we were 
in imminent danger. Here our God delivered us. 

" But now, we coming safe over the water, it pleased 
God to exercis'e us much in the loss of our brother Oliver, 
whose company we missed and did not perceive it, he fall- 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 67 

ing into Mr. Luttall's company, that was agoing the way to 
the Island ; then they lost their way. And as our hearts 
were full of fear and care for our brother, so was his for us. 
The fear was increased on both sides because there fell a 
great snow, and very hard weather upon it, and it was to 
our great rejoicing when we met one another again in 
health and safety, according to the good hand of our God, 
that was upon us in our journey, and that they had been 
exposed to much danger in that cold season for want of 
a fire, and all means to make it, had not the Lord, beyond 
expectation, provided for them to bring forth a little 
powder through the shot of the piece. Now the fifth day 
we were to go over another river, where we were in great 
danger, our canoe falling upon a rock, which, had not some 
of our brethren, more skilful, stepped out off the rock and 
put off the canoe, our danger had been very great. But 
God brought us safe at last, on the sixth day, viz. the 28th 
day of the 12th month, to our great rejoicing. 

" BrotJier Oliver. Now for the success of our journey to 
our brethren at the Island. We acquainted them with 
our purpose in coming, and desired that they would pro- 
cure us a meeting that day ; but, for reasons in their own 
breast, and because of the snow, they did not think meet 
then to give us a meeting. But the next day they prom- 
ised and did give us a meeting, — Mr. Aspinwall, our 
Brother Baulston, Brother Sanfoard, and others, — and we 
delivered our message and the church's letter, which they 
read and gave us satisfactory answers. The next day we 
went to Portsmouth [North Town], where, being enter- 
tained at our brother Cogshall's house, we desired them to 
procure us a meeting to deliver our message and the church's 
letter. But when we expected a meeting Mr. Cogshall 
sent us word that, by reason of a civil meeting, that was 
before appointed. But, for a meeting, they did not know 
what power one church hath over another church, and they 
denied our commission, and refused to let our letter be 



68 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

read. And they conceive one church hath not power over 
the members of another church, and do not think they are 
tied to us by our covenant. And so were we fain to take 
all their answers by going to their several houses. Mr. 
Hutchinson told us he was more nearly tied to his wife 
than to the church; he thought her to be a dear saint and 
servant of God. We came then to Mrs. Hutchinson, and 
told her that we had a message to do to her from the Lord, 
and from our church. She answered, ' There are lords many 
and gods many, but I acknowledge but one Lord. Which 
Lord do you mean? ' We answered, ' We came in the name 
of but one Lord, and that is God.' ' Then,' saith she, ' so 
far we agree; and when we do agree let it be set down.' 
Then we told her, 'We had a message to her from the church 
of Christ in Boston.' She replied, ' She knew no church but 
one.' We told her, *In Scripture the Holy Ghost calls 
them churches.' She said, ' Christ had but one spouse.' 
We told her, ' He had in some sort as many spouses as 
saints.' But for our church, she would not acknowledge it 
any church of Christ. 

" J/r. Cotton. Time being far spent, it will not be season- 
able to speak much. We bless God with our brethren for 
their protection in their journey, asunder and together. 
We find they have faithfully and wisely discharged the 
trust and care put upon them." 

The teacher then proceeds to consider the " an- 
swers of our brethren at the Island." He arrives at 
the conclusion that it is better to bear a little longer 
with all, except the excommunicate. But as for 
them " that will not hear the church, let them be to 
you as a heathen and a publican." 

The same journal also contains the following in- 
formation about Francis Hutchinson, who had been 
admonished by Boston Church July 20, 1640, be- 



1633-5--] JOHxNf COTTON. 69 

cause he declined to vote for the admonition of his 
mother : — 

" Francis Hutchinson, living at the Island, or Ports- 
mouth, with his father and mother, so that he cannot frequent 
the church, nor the church discharge her duty in watching 
over him, desired, by a letter to the church, that we would 
dismiss him, to God and to the word of his grace, seeing he 
knew of no church there to be dismissed to. 

" It was answered by our teacher, and consented to by 
the church, that there was no rule in Scripture for such 
a dismission. We may recommend him to God, and may 
dismiss him to the word of his grace, when there is any 
such word there to dismiss him to, but not till then, seeing 
the covenant of the church is an everlasting covenant ; and 
no church hath power, when God hath added any member 
to the church and tied him, to release him, but to another 
church. And though we cannot perform all our duties to 
him so far off, yet some we may." 

The pastor then proceeded to draw analogies from 
the custom of the church of Jerusalem, requiring 
allegiance of those who dwelt at Rome and Ethi- 
opia, and other remote places.^ 

About this time a young minister named Collins 
espoused the new cause. In a letter to some one 
at Boston he is said to have " charged all our churches 
and ministers to be anti-Christian, and many other 
reproachful speeches, terming our king ' King of 
Babylon,' and sought to possess the people's hearts 
with evil thoughts of our government and of our 
churches." 

1 " The formal reply of Mr. Cotton in the name of Boston Church (Hutch- 
inson Papers, Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d series. Vol. X. 184) agrees with this 
report." — Geo. E. Ellis. 



70 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

"Collins and Francis Hutchinson made a visit 
to Boston in the summer of 1641, and were imme- 
diately and forcibly brought before the Governor 
and council and elders, the former to answer for his 
letter," and the latter for reviling the church in 
Boston. " They were imprisoned until Collins 
should pay a fine of one hundred pounds, and 
his companion a fine of fifty pounds." Winthrop 
says : — 

"We assessed the fines the higher, partly that by occa- 
sion thereof they might be the longer kept in from doing 
harm (for they were kept close prisoners), and also because 
that family had put the country to so much charge in the 
Synod and other occasions, to the value of ^500 at least; 
but after, because the winter drew on and the prison was 
inconvenient, we abated them to ;^40 and iJ^20. But they 
seemed not willing to pay anything. They refiised to come 
to the church assemblies, except they were led, and so they 
came duly. At last we took their own bonds for their fine, 
and so dismissed them." 

They were forbidden, on their release, to return to 
the jurisdiction, under pain of death. Nevertheless 
they found some sympathy in the church ; and even 
the constable who had the charge of them was fined 
for his favor to them. 

" 1638. Mo. 6. 25."] The court called upon the 
ministers to rebuke the prevailing extravagance in 
dress and following new fashions ; but small suc- 
cess attended their efforts, as some of the ministers' 
wives were to a certain extent responsible for the 
practice. 



1633-52.] JOHN COTTON. 7 1 

'• 8ber."] About two years before, Mr. Bernard, 
an English minister, of Batcomb, in Somersetshire, 
had sent over two manuscripts, one to the magis- 
trates and another to the elders, which were directed 
against their way of forming churches. The elders 
had been so busy, by reason of the troubles growing 
out of the dealings wi*th Mrs. Hutchinson, as not to 
find time to reply to them. Mr. Cotton now per- 
formed that service, and also answered another book 
in support of common prayer. 

A person of very different character and morals 
from those of Mrs. Hutchinson, but at the same time 
a disturber of church order and discipline, was one 
Captain Underbill. A good soldier, and of great ser- 
vice against the Indians, he was frequently called to 
account for his loose behavior and improper speeches. 
As an instance of the latter, on his return from Eng- 
land he was heard to say " that we were zealous 
here, as the Scribes and Pharisees were, and as Paul 
was before his conversion." He attempted to deny 
this ; but, on being confronted with a good witness, 
this and something more was* proved against him. 
He told how " he had lain under a spirit of bondage 
and a legal way five years, and could get no assur- 
ance, till at length, as he was taking a pipe of tobacco, 
the Spirit set home an absolute promise of free grace, 
wath such assurance and joy as he never since doubted 
of his good estate, neither should he, though he 
should fall into sin." For this and other offences 
he was banished. 



72 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

" On the Lord's day following he made a speech in the 
assembly, showing that, as the Lord was pleased to convert 
Paul as he was in persecuting, so he might manifest himself 
to him as he was taking the moderate use of the creature 
called tobacco. He professed, withal, that he knew not 
wherein he had deserved the sentence of the court, and that 
he was sure that Christ was his. The ciders reproved him for 
this speech ; and Mr. Cotton told him that, . . . although 
God doth often lay a man under a spirit of bondage when 
he is walking in sin, as Paul was, yet he never sends such a 
spirit of comfort but in an ordinance, as he did to the same 
Paul by Ananias ; and ergo advised him well to examine 
the revelation and joy which he had." 

" 1638 (10). 6.] Dorothy Talbye was hanged at Boston 
for murdering her own daughter, a child of three years old. 
She had been a member of the church of Salem, and of 
good esteem for godliness ; but falling at difference with 
her husband, through melancholy or spiritual delusions, 
she sometimes attempted to kill him and her children and 
herself, by refusing meat, saying that it was so revealed to 
her. After dealing with her, the church finally cast her out. 
She then behaved better for a short time ; but finally, ' she 
was so possessed with Satan that he persuaded her (by his 
delusions, which she listened to as revelations from God) 
to break the neck of her own child, that she might free 
it from future misery.' She did not confess the indictment 
' till the governor told her she should be pressed to death.' 
' Mr. Wilson went with her to the place of execution, but 
could do no good with her.' " ^ 

" 13.] The devil would never cease to disturb our peace,, 
and to raise up instruments one after another. Amongst the 
rest, there was a woman in Salem, one Oliver his wife, who 

1 There is a curious resemblance between the state of mind apparent in 
this poor creature and that of one Freeman, of Pocasset, who was indicted 
in the year 1879 at Plymouth, Mass., for killing his child, as he said, under a 
divine revelation. Freeman was committed to an asylum as insane. 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 73 

had suffered somewhat in England for refusing to bow at the 
name of Jesus, though otherwise she was conformable to 
all their orders. She was (for ability of speech and ap- 
pearance of zeal and devotion) far before Mrs. Hutchinson, 
and so the fitter instrument to have done hurt, but that she 
was poor and had little acquaintance." She kept her tongue 
a-wagging till finally " she had a cleft stick put on it half an 
hour for reproaching the elders." 

"(11) 30."] The devil seemed to be acti\'e also at 
Weymouth, where Mr. Lenthall, late of England, 
and an imbiber of Mrs. Hutchinson's opinions, had 
settled. Mr. Cotton was appointed to treat with him 
and convince him of his errors. He finally retracted ; 
but some of his followers, notably one Britton, were 
fined or whipped.^ 

" 1639 (3.) 2.] Mr. Cotton, preaching out of the 8 of 
Kings, 8, taught that, when magistrates are forced to pro- 
vide for the maintenance of ministers, then the churches 
are in a declining condition. Then he showed that the 
ministers' maintenance should be by voluntary contribu- 
tion, not by lands, or revenues, or tithes ; for these have 
always been accompanied with pride, contention, and 
sloth." 

The church censure of Mr. Keayne has already 
been alluded to. The following false principles and 
rules for trading were deduced from his case. Some 
of the former were : — 

" I. That a man might sell as dear as he can, and buy as 
cheap as he can. 

1 " Lechford says of Britton that 'he was whipped eleven stripes;' and 
his guilt is by that author represented as 'saying that some of the ministers 
in the Bay were Brotvnists.' " — Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. 289, note. 



74 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

" 2. If a man lose by casualty of sea in some of his com- 
modities, he may raise the price of the rest. 

" 3. That he may sell as he bought, though he paid too 
dear, and though the commodity be fallen. 

" 4. That, as a man may take the advantage of his own 
skill or ability, so he may of another's ignorance or neces- 
sity. 

" 5. Where one gives time for payment, he is to take like 
recompense of one as of another." 

Rules for trading : — 

" I. A man may not sell above the current price, i. e. 
such a price as is usual in the time and place, and as 
another (who knows the worth of the commodity) would 
give for it if he had occasion to use it; as that is called 
current money which every man will take. 

" 2. When a man loseth in his commodity for want of 
skill, he must look at it as his own fault or cross, and there- 
fore must not lay it upon another. 

" 3. Where a man loseth by casualty of sea, or, &c., it is 
a loss cast upon himself by providence, and he may not 
ease himself of it by casting it upon another; for so a man 
should seem to provide against all providences, that he 
should never lose ; but where there is a scarcity of the 
commodity, there men may raise their price ; for now it is 
a hand of God upon the commodity, and not the person. 

" 4. A man may not ask any more for his commodity 
than his selling price, as Ephron to Abraham, the land is 
worth thus much." 

Some of the church wanted to excommunicate 
Keayne, but, as the record shows, he was let off 
with a simple admonition.^ 

In the year 1640 the congregation set about build- 

1 Ante, Chap. I. 20. 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 75 

ing a new meeting-house, the old one being dilapi- 
dated and too small. Winthrop says they sold away 
the old one, and agreed to build another, which 
workmen undertook to set up for ;^6oo/ " Three 
hundred they had for the old,^ and the rest was to 
be gathered by voluntary contributions, as other 
charges were." There was some contention about 
selecting a site, the tradespeople preferring the 
proximity of the market-place, while others advo- 
cated the green (which was the Governor's first lot, 
situated on the corner of what are now Milk and 
Washington Streets, being a part of the Old South 
Society estate). The tradesmen prevailed, and the 
church was finally erected on Cornhill Square, 
where the Old Brick that succeeded it used to 
stand.^ 

In the previous year Winthrop speaks of the 
church as in a particularly thriving condition. To 
show some sense of their obligation to him for this 
result, but more particularly on account of a mis- 
fortune which befell the Governor throueh the un- 

1 The actual cost was ;,{^i,ooo. See Winthrop, 24, which Savage cites as 
authority for the statement that the edifice was finislied in 1640, and not in 

1639, as most writers have indicated. 

2 The large sum realized by the sale of the old church cannot be wholly 
attributed to the value of the land on which it stood. The building itself 
must have been sufficiently substantial to be worth preserving. Partly on 
this account, and partly from a consideration of the wealth of the founders, 
it is reasonable to suppose that some solid material entered into the compo- 
sition of the first meeting-house, and not, as has been generally supposed, 
simply clay and mud. — Ed. 

^ Where Joy's Building, which is now being reconstructed, lately stood. 
The first sermon in the new (second) meeting-house was preached Aug. 23, 

1640. Memorial History of Boston, Vol. I. 537, note. 



76 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTOxN. [1633-52. 

faithfulness of his steward in England, the church 
made him a present this year of ^200. 

Captain Underhill was cast out of the church for 
gross misconduct on the " 5"' day of y*" i^' moneth " 
(1640), so says the church record. But the same 
year we find that he made humble confession, and 
was given another trial. 

At the Court of Assistants held in 1640 Hugh 
Bewett was banished for promulgating views about 
original sin not in accord with those of the au- 
thorities. 

On a training-day in Boston in 1641, twelve hun- 
dred men appeared in line ; but, Winthrop says, such 
was their sobriety, that not one was drunk or swore 
an oath. 

" 1642 Mo. I : 2'/.'''] Mr. William Aspinwall, who 
had been banished for joining with Wheelwright, 
having liberty to retract his errors, " was this day 
reconciled to the church of Boston." Afterwards, 
on making a full acknowledgment of the same be- 
fore the magistrates appointed to take his submis- 
sion, upon their certificate he w^as released from 
banishment. 

In the year 1642 Captain Underhill contrived to 
restore himself into favor with the church sufficiently 
to induce them to fit him out with a pinnace, to take 
him and his family to some place where he could 
find better employment. He desired to go to the 
Dutch country ; but " the church, understanding 
that the English at Stamford, near the Dutch, had 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 77 

offered him employment and maintenance, advised 
him rather to go thither, seeing they were our coun- 
trymen and in a church estate. He accepted this 
advice ; but when he came there he changed his 
mind, or at least his course, and went to the 
Dutch." 1 

Several fasts were kept this year, for one cause 
and another. Such observances are characteristic 
of the times, and of too frequent occurrence to bear 
further insertion in this history. 

" 5 28."] A surreptitious edition of Cotton's ser- 
mons on the " Seven Vials " makes its appearance. 
Mr. Humfrey had them printed in London from 
notes taken here, without authority from Cotton, or 
any revision by him, and received three hundred 
copies for his pains. 

" 6."] Letters came from members of both houses 
of Parliament, and three ministers in England " who 
stood for the independency of churches," to Cot- 
ton, Hooker (of Hartford), and Davenport (of New 
Haven), inviting them to attend a synod called to 
settle the question of church government. 

Cotton and Davenport were rather inclined to go; 
but Hooker decidedly opposed the plan. 

Soon after more letters from England, with news 
of the breach between king and Parliament, and 
with advice from Mr. Welde and Mr. Peter to tarry 
awhile, put an end to all hesitation. 

' Savage gives an interesting sketch of this remarkable man in a note to 
Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II. 15. 



78 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

A call from Virginia to supply them with min- 
isters of the gospel, read at the Thursday lec- 
ture, met with but a feeble response, only one, 
Mr. Tompson of Braintree, complying with the in- 
vitation.^ 

A spirit of restlessness about this time broke out 
in Boston, arising partly from a general depression 
in trade, and great numbers of people embarked for 
foreign countries ; some even returned to England. 
This declension calls forth from Winthrop a lament, 
followed by a beautiful expression of fortitude, and 
devotion to his adopted country, at one of the most 
critical periods in her history. " Ask again," he 
says, " what liberty thou hast towards others which 
thou likest not to allow others towards thyself ; for 
if one may go, another may, and so the greater part ; 
and so church and commonwealth may be left des- 
titute in a wilderness, exposed to misery and re- 
proach, and all for thy ease and pleasure, whereas 
these all, being now thy brethren, as near to thee 
as the Israelites were to Moses, it were much safer 
for thee, after his example, to choose rather to suffer 
affliction with thy brethren than to enlarge thy ease 
and pleasure by furthering the occasion of their 
ruin." 

" 1643 I- 5-] The churches held a different course in 
raising the minister's maintenance. Some did it by way 
of taxation, which was very offensive to some." 

1 Two other ministers afterwards joined him. 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 79 

" One Briscoe," for writing a book against taxa- 
tion, " was fined ten pounds, and one of the pub- 
lishers 40 shilHngs." ' 

In the year 1643 La Tour, the French governor 
(as he claimed), from St. John's, arrived at Boston, 
to exhibit his commission as lieutenant-general of 
Acadia. He attended our church meetings, though 
a papist, or " idolater." This called forth discussion 
from the elders, whether such a thing as communion 
with idolaters were lawful. The arguments on both 
sides show a strange mixture of religion and expe- 
diency. Mr. Cotton and some of the elders had a 
conference with one of the " friars " of the company, 
and the former found him a " very learned, acute 
man." 

" 5. 22."] Severity seemed to " have a good effect 
on Hett his wife," for, "being cast out of the church 
of Boston, the Lord was pleased so to honour his own 
ordinance, that whereas before no means could pre- 
vail with her, either to reclaim her from her wicked 
and blasphemous courses and speeches, or to bring 
her to frequent the means, within a few weeks after 
her casting out, she came to see her sin and lay it to 
heart, and to frequent the means, and so was brought 
to such manifestation of repentance and a sound 
mind, as the church received her in again." 

^ The right to levy taxes for the support of the ministry which prevailed 
in country parishes until quite a recent date was never exercised in the town 
of Boston. " The ministers of the several churches in the town of Boston 
have ever been supported by a free weekly contribution." It was even 
doubted by "one minister" whether it were lawful to receive support in any 
other way. 



8o FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

Mo. 7. 4.] " There was an assembly at Cambridge of all 
the elders in the country (about fifty) ; such of the ruling 
elders as would were present also, but none else. They 
sat in the college, and had their diet there after the manner 
of scholars' commons, but somewhat better, yet so ordered 
as it came not tQ above sixpence the meal for a person. 
Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker were chosen moderators. The 
principal occasion was because some of the elders went 
about to set up some things according to the presbytery, 
as of Newbury. The assembly concluded against some 
parts of the presbyterial way, and the Newbury ministers 
took time to consider the arguments." 

The proceeding against Gorton and his com- 
panions of Providence is but another instance of 
the stern spirit of the magistrates. Their notions 
were those of uneducated, illiterate men, but at the 
same time of a sort to cause contentions and draw 
followers. To pass them by in silence would be a 
departure from the practice in all similar cases, and 
might endanger " the peace of the churches." 

As for the sentence, " all the magistrates, save 
three, were of opinion that Gorton ought to die ; but 
the greatest number of the deputies dissenting, that 
vote did not pass. In the end all agreed upon this 
sentence, for seven of them, viz. that they should be 
dispersed into seven several towns, and there kept to 
work for their hving, and wear irons upon one leg, 
and not to depart the limits of the town, nor by word 
or writing maintain any of their blasphemous or 
wicked errours upon pain of death, only with excep- 
tion of speech with any of the elders, or any other 



1633-52] JOHN COTTON. 8 1 

licensed by any magistrate to confer with them ; this 
censure to continue during the pleasure of the court." 
Cotton and all the elders combated this spirit of Gor- 
tonism ; and, the advice of the latter being called for, 
their answer was that, if the charge was maintained, 
they deserved death by the law of God} 

On May 14, 1645, the General Court assembled in 
the meeting-house, when Winthrop delivered a vin- 
dication of his conduct from a charge of arbitrari- 
ness, and in what he calls his " little speech " on that 
occasion, gave that admirable definition of liberty so 
highly praised, especially by Tocqueville. 

It was the custom in those days here, just as 
it was until quite recently in parts of England, to 
hold political and public gatherings in the meeting- 
house," as the most available and convenient place 
for assembling. 

This speech was the last great effort of the noble 
Winthrop. The church was destined soon to lose 
its great supporter and founder. Before he died, 
true to his devout nature, Winthrop sent for the 
elders to pray with him. At the same time the 
church fasted and prayed, and Cotton preached a 
sermon appropriate to the occasion. He died on 
March 26, 1649, ^^ the age of sixty-one years, two 

1 Dr. Charles Deane gives a concise and impartial statement of the pro- 
ceeding against Gorton in the New Eng. Hist, and Geneal. Reg. (1850), 201. 

2 The General Court was held in First Church meeting-house as late as 
1658. Sometimes they held elections in the open air, notably on one occasion, 
— in May, 1636, — when Wilson, the minister, became so displeased at the 
way in which the business was conducted that he climbed a tree, and spoke 
with such effect as to turn the scales. Hutchinson, Vol. I. 61, note. 

6 



82 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

months, and fourteen days, and on the 3d of April 
" his body was buried with great solemnity and 
honor." 

In the year 1646, some of Hingham, becoming a 
little weaned by the restraint imposed upon them, 
whereby many who were members of the Church of 
England were debarred from free worship, contrary to 
the rights of free-born subjects of England, drew up 
a petition setting forth their grievances, and asking 
that the distinction, or rather the combination, be- 
tween civil and church estate might be removed. 
This was punished, as a rebellion against the order 
of churches, with fine and imprisonment. They ap- 
pealed to Parliament; and two of them. Dr. Child 
and Mr, Fowle, a merchant, sailed for England to 
prosecute the business. The result was awaited 
with considerable anxiety on this side of the water; 
but the minds of the rulers were soon set at rest, for 
Parliament had other and weightier matters on hand 
which called for more immediate action. 

At this time marriages were ratified by the magis- 
trates, a preliminary step being the " Contraction a 
little before the Consummation," at which a pastor 
was usually employed, and a sermon preached.^ 

' After Samuel Danforth's " Contraction, according to the Old Vsage of 
JVew-Englanci, unto the Virtuous Daughter of [the Reverend] Mr. Wilson 
[of Boston] (whereat Mr. Cotton preached the Sermon), he was married " 
5 November, 1651. Mather's Magnalia, Vol. IV. 155. Dexter's Congrega- 
tionalism, etc., 458, note. 

A careful search through the old record book of First Church reveals 
no entries of marriages. Charles Morton {16S6-9S) was the first and only 
minister of the First Church in Charlestown to record marriages in that book. 



1633-52.] JOHN COTTON. 83 

" 1647 : 4 : (6).] There was a great marriage to be 
solemnized at Boston. The brideo^room beine of 
Hingham, Mr. Hubbard's church, he was procured 
to preach, and came to Boston to that end. But the 
magistrates, hearing of it, sent to him to forbear. 
The reasons were, i, for that his spirit had been 
discovered to be averse to our ecclesiastical and civil 
.government, and he was a bold man, and would 
speak his mind, 2, we were not willing to bring in 
the English custom of ministers performing the 
solemnity of marriage, which sermons at such times 
might induce, but if any ministers were present, and 
would bestow a word of exhortation, etc., it was 
permitted." 

The synod at Cambridge, called in 1646, came to 
an end in 1648. The folloviing vote shows a ten- 
dency in these early times to discourage legal pro- 
ceedings : — • 

'• The 22"^ Day of y^^ 12"' Moneth, 1649. Att a Church 
Meeting agreed upon by y" Church to be on this Day 
for y"" needfull occasions thereof, It was agreed upon 
by y^ Church y" mett together y' none of y" members 
eyther of o' owne church or Recomended or Dismissed to 
y- church from any other Should goe to law one w"" another 
w^'out the consent of o"^ brethren y" Maio' Gibbon, M' Dun- 
Before his time ministers were not authorized to solemnize them. When 
Dr. Frothingham opened a new record book on Jan. i, i84i,he took occasion 
to say in the preface, that, of three books handed to him in 181 5, but one 
contained a record of marriages, and that began in the year 1800. He says: 
" I have never been able to discover any preceding list of the same kind, or 
even to ascertain whether any were preserved in the archives of the church, 
though such a document has been often inquired for." 



84 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1633-52. 

kan, M' Stoddar, James Penne & Thomas Marshall, but they 
shall answer for it unto the Church as an offence against 
it."i 

"The 28. Day of y" i. m? 1650. Our Brother yanies 
Peiiii was chosen by y" Church w*'' a vnanimus Consent 
to be a Messenger to goe and Distribut the Churches 
Contributions (to y" poore Church of Christ y' was ban- 
ished from Bennudos for the Gospells sake to Segoton). 
And he was sent out to sea on y" 13 of y" 3'' m? And 
on y" 17* day of the 4"' m" 1650, we arived at Segotea, 
where I found the people in wants, who when I had 
Given the Churches letters and Declared the end of my 
coming they thanked god and y*" churches, and after on 
months stay w"' them we retorned backe and arived at Bos- 
ton the 17'' of the 6"' m? 1650, and soe declared to y° church 
y" good hand of God vpon vs in o" voyage, w"'' was matter 
of praise to God." ^ 

In the year 1650 the Second Church in Boston 
was gathered. Nearly twenty years had elapsed 
since the First Church was formed ; and now the 
growing population felt the need of another 
place of worship. " The foundation of the Second 
Church edifice in Boston was laid, in 1649, at the 
head of North Square. The first sermon in it of 
which we have information was at the gathering of 
the church on the fifth day of June, 1650." Sev- 
eral distinguished preachers of the day — such men 
as Samuel Mather, John Norton, and John Daven- 
port — were invited to take charge of the new 
church ; but none could be persuaded until four 
years had elapsed, when John Mayo, of Nosset, in 

1 Church Records, 20. 2 Ibid. 26. 



1633-52.J JOHN COTTON. 85 

Plymouth County, Mass., accepted a call, and was 
duly ordained on Nov. 9, 1655, to be followed, in the 
year 1664, by a more distinguished preacher (Rev. 
Increase Mather), whose fruitful ministry covered a 
period of sixty-two years. It is told, to the credit 
of Cotton, that he did all he could to further the 
undertaking, " notwithstanding it might draw away 
parishioners from himself." Like John the Baptist, 
'' he reckoned his joy fulfilled in this, that in his 
own decrease the interests of his Master would in- 
creaser^ In 165 1, the year before Cotton died, First 
Church contributed a fourth part of the whole con- 
tribution (^800) taken up in the colony for a strug- 
gling church at Bermuda, a large part of the two 
hundred pounds coming from Cotton and one other. 
Emerson gives the following data:^ — 

" In 1650 there were about forty churches in New Eng- 
land, and seven thousand seven hundred and fifty communi- 
cants. One thousand and thirty-four children had been 
baptized since Mr. Cotton's ordination. Of these 538 were 
males, and 456 females. There had also been admitted, 
during this period, — that is, from the beginning of 1634 
to the end of 1652, — 306 men and 343 women; in all 
649. Sev^enteen persons had been admonished publickly, 
and five excommunicated for irreclaimable errours." 

1 Robbins's History of Second Church, 6 et seq. 

2 Emerson's History of First Church, 81, 82. 



CHAPTER III. 

1653-1670. 

JOHN WILSON, JOHN NORTON, JOHN DAVENPORT, 
JAMES ALLEN. 

Prominent Position of the Early Ministers. — Death of Dudley. — 
John Norton. — Right of Baptism. — Life of Wilson. — John Dav- 
enport. — Controversy over his Settlement in First Ciuirch. — 
Formation of Third Church from Disaffected Members of the 
First. — James Allen. 

" I "HE death of Cotton left Wilson in sole charge 
of the church for a period of nearly four years, 
until the installation of John Norton. The latter 
performed the duties of minister during a portion 
of this time, although not regularly installed as 
teacher until July 23, 1656. The paucity of impor- 
tant events, compared with the interest attaching to 
individuals, especially noticeable during this early 
period, makes it somewhat difificult to observe the 
bounds separating history from biography. The 
lives of the first four ministers, extending to the 
close of the present chapter, contribute largely to 
the narrative of church occurrences. We have seen 
how Cotton absorbed all the interest in church mat- 
ters while he lived ; and the same is true, perhaps in 



1653-70] JOHN WILSON. 87 

a less degree, of the other three. The minister still 
dictated to his flock. As churches became more 
numerous this power was gradually weakened, till 
at last in 1684 the final blow was struck by the va- 
cating of the colony charter and the adoption of the 
new, or provincial charter, making the franchise 
depend, not upon church membership or certificate 
from the minister, but upon a simple property qual- 
ification.^ This change essentially diminished the 
temporal power of the ministers. 

Governor Dudley died July 31, 1653. He was 
born at Northampton (Eng.) in 1574.^ He was a 
man of undoubted ability and character, but ex- 
tremely sensitive to opposition and tenacious in 
opinion. This disposition on his part no doubt 
served to keep alive a variance between him and 
Governor Winthrop. The Governor, so he said, 
had given him to understand in 1632 that Newtown 
was to be the seat of government ; and under this 
impression he had planted himself at that place.^ 
In this he was disappointed ; Boston became the 
capital ; and the result was to him a pecuniary loss, 
besides the disappointment involved. The minis- 
ters, as referees, decided that the Governor should 

' Bradford's History of Massachusetts, 93. The order of the General 
Court allowing a certificate from the minister to be substituted for that of 
church membership was enacted Aug. 3, 1664. Mass. Coll. Records, Vol. 
IV. Part H. 118. 

'^ The true year of his birth is said to be 1576. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceed. 
(186S-70), 207. 

3 Winthrop went so far as to prepare a frame for his house, but after- 
wards removed to Boston, and on this account Dudley took offence. 



88 FIRST CHURCH IxN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

either procure them a minister at Cambridge and 
help support him, or should pay Dudley £20 to- 
wards building another house. The latter course 
was chosen ; but Dudley declined the gratuity, and 
the whole affair was happily ended/ 

" In the year 1655, according to the historians 
of that day, Mrs. Anne Hibbins [wife of a leading 
man in Boston] was tried and condemned for a 
witch, and executed in the following year. There is, 
however, no notice of this fact in First Church 

S. " 

" On 29 Nov., 1655, a church meeting w^as holden 
at the house of the pastor, in which it was voted to 
give Mr. Norton ^200 towards the purchase of a 
house, on the supposition that he becomes the 
teacher of the church." 

Cotton is said to have proposed him for a suc- 
cessor on his death-bed. 

Norton was much esteemed by the people of Ips- 

^ Their children afterwards intermarried, and this event helped to heal 
the breach 

2 Emerson's History of First Church, 88. Upham gives the order of 
court condemning her to be executed under the date of May 14, 1656. His- 
tory of Witchcraft, 421. Mr. Norton did what he could to save her in 
spite of the popular clamor, as appears from the following story told by a 
clergyman in Jamaica in a letter written to Increase Mather in 1684: 
"•You may remember what I have sometimes told you your famous Mr. 
Norton once said at his own table, — before Mr. Wilson, the pastor, 
Elder Penn, and myself and wife, &c., who had the honor to be his guests,* — 
that one of your magistrates' wives, as I remember, was hanged for a witch 
only for having more wit than her neighbors. It was his very expression ; 
she having, as he explained it, unhappily guessed that two of her persecu- 
tors, whom she saw talking in the street, were talking of her; which, proving 
true, cost her her life, notwithstanding all he could do to the contrary, as he 
himself told us." — /did. 423. 



1653-70] JOHN NORTON. go 

wich, who did all they could to keep him ; but finally, 
" after the lapse of nearly four years, the sittino- of 
several ecclesiastical councils and the decision of 
the Governour and magistrates in favour of his re- 
moval, he and his wife were admitted members of 
First Church 6 July, 1656." 

LIFE OF NORTON. 

John Norton, son of William and Alice (Browest) 
Norton, was born at Stortford in Hertfordshire, May 
6, 1606. His parents, who were respectable per- 
sons, sent him to a school kept by a Mr. Strano-e, 
of Bunningford. He early showed a great deal of 
intellectual vigor, and entered Peterhouse, Cam- 
bridge, at fourteen. After taking his first degree in 
1623, his father having lost property, he was obliged 
to leave college, and accept positions as curate and 
usher at Stortford. While at Cambridge he at- 
tracted attention for ability and scholarship. A 
Catholic priest, seeing that he was a promising 
youth, tried to make him change his creed, but 
without success. In early life Norton showed none 
of that austerity of spirit so manifest in maturer 
years. He was naturally rather inclined to gayety, 
though not to excess ; but gradually, and chiefly 
under the preaching of Rev. Jeremiah Dyke, rector 
of Epping, a deep sense of sin entered in and took 
possession of his soul. He showed fine abilities as 
a preacher, and had an offer from his uncle of a 



90 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

valuable benefice ; but the requirements which the 
position involved proved a bar to its acceptance. 
On the same account he was obliged to decline an 
offer of a fellowship at Catharine Hall, Cambridge, 
from the master. Dr. Sibbes. Unlike a large part 
of the English clergy at that time, Norton was 
decidedly opposed to Arminianism. Cut off from 
any higher range of duty, he finally contented 
himself with the post of chaplain to Sir William 
Marsham. Here he resided for some time, not 
without hope that larger tasks might be in store 
for him. 

But finally, seeing no prospect of a change for 
the better, he resolved to migrate to the New World. 
In 1627 he received the degree of M. A. Before 
embarking in September, 1634, Norton married a 
lady " both of good estate and good esteem." He 
then went to Yarmouth and joined Thomas Shep- 
ard, revered as the minister of Cambridge Church, 
and largely instrumental in the foundation of Har- 
vard College. After a long delay they set sail in 
the Great Hope, four hundred tons burden, but in 
a few hours were driven back by a violent storm, 
which disabled the vessel, and put off their depart- 
ure until the following year. During the interval 
Norton resided in Essex with Mr. Dyke and other 
friends. Meantime Governor Winslow, agent for 
Plymouth Colony, had invited him to assist Ralph 
Smith as teaching elder over Plymouth Church. 
Norton and Winslow came over together. When 



1653-70.] JOHN NORTON. gi 

the former left England, an old minister said that 
he believed that there was not more grace and holi- 
ness left in all Essex than what Mr. Norton had car- 
ried with him. On reaching the New England coast 
in October, 1635, they were met by another storm, 
which was wellnigh fatal ; but finally, after ten 
or twelve days, the ship was safely anchored in 
Plymouth harbor. 

Norton stayed but a short time in the Pilgrim 
colony, although they offered him every inducement 
to settle among them, — Mr. Smith, their pastor, 
even resigning in his favor, — and early in 1636 re- 
moved to Boston. His argumentative powers were 
here put to a good and satisfactory test in a public 
debate with a French priest. He finally accepted a 
call to settle as teacher of Ipswich Church, Feb. 
20, 1638, with the Rev. Nathaniel Rogers as pastor. 
Before his acceptance of this office he had preached 
in the same place as assistant to Mr. Ward. In 
1637, before his settlement at Ipswich, he attended 
the synod called to deal with Mrs. Hutchinson, and 
performed valuable services. When he went to live 
in Ipswich several families, who came over with him 
from England especially to enjoy his ministry, at 
his request, obtained grants of land from the town 
authorities. On Nov. 5, 1639, the General Court 
allowed Norton two hundred acres of land. Dec. 
22, 1645, is the date of his reply to questions on 
ecclesiastical government propounded by the Rev. 
William Apollonius of Middleberg, in Holland, un- 



92 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

der the direction of the ministers in New Zealand. 
The questions were intended for the Congregational 
ministers in London ; but for some reason were sent 
over to this country, and by request of the min- 
isters here, Mr. Norton undertook to answer them. 
This task was gracefully performed " in the first 
Latin book ever written in this country." There is 
a jDreface to the work by " Tho. Goodwin, Phil. Nye, 
Sidr. Simpson, dated Lond., Feb. 16, 1647; " ^^^^ ^ 
long epistle to the author, by " Johannes Cotton, in 
Ecclesia Bostoniensi Presbyter docens." 

While he was engaged in writing this book com- 
plaints were made that his sermons were not up to 
their former standard ; and Mr. Samuel Whiting, of 
Lynn, was appointed to confer with him on the sub- 
ject. He accordingly gave Norton a kindly word of 
caution, which was received without a murmur, and 
turned to good account. In 1660 he again showed 
his skill in Latin composition by a letter, signed by 
himself and forty-three other ministers, addressed to 
a " visionary Scotchman named John Dury." In 
1645 and 1 66 1 he preached the Election Sermon. 
He took an active part in the synod of 1646, and 
during the session delivered a lecture in Boston 
which caused the church to renounce their scruples 
aboDt sending messengers to the council. In 1646 
Winthrop and Norton were chosen by the colony to 
be agents in affairs with the mother country. But 
the danger of imprisonment was thought to be so 
great that they were not allowed to pursue the 



1653-70] JOHN NORTON. g^ 

errand. In 1650 he was appointed to write a reply 
to William Pynchon, by order of the court/ 

His removal to Boston, on the death of Cotton, 
stirred up a decided opposition on the part of Ips- 
wich Church. They were willing that Mr. Norton 
should return to England, as he had previously 
asked permission to do, in case nothing occurred to 
change his mind ; but they were not disposed to 
allow him to go to Boston to settle. One member 
of his old church suggested that the matter be left 
for Mr. Norton's decision alone, but the latter de- 
clined the responsibility ; and it was finally agreed, 
as a compromise, that he should be allowed to go to 
Boston, but not in view of a permanent settlement. 
On May 18, 1653, the General Court congratulated 
Norton on the acceptance of his call from Boston 
Church, and ordered a letter of thanks to Ipswich 
Church for their magnanimous consent to his dis- 
missal. 

But Norton had not been in Boston more than two 
years, when the death of Rogers was the occasion 
for a renewal of dissatisfaction on the part of his 
former church. After long and serious debate, and 
the advice of several councils in favor of a dismissal 
from his former connection, Norton himself, becom- 
ing a little tired of the controversy, threatened to 
settle the question by carrying out his former plan 
of a return to England. To prevent this from tak- 
ing place, the Governor and magistrates summoned 

1 N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg. (1859), 293. 



94 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

a council of twelve churches. This body finally 
disposed of the matter, and the long and bitter 
strife was ended. In 1658 he published a life of 
Cotton; and in 1659, "The Heart of New England 
Rent," etc. 

Mr. Norton exercised large influence in the new 
position which he was called to fill. His advice was 
of great service, both in civil and religious concerns. 
In 1653 he helped to keep the peace with the Dutch 
at Manhados ; and in 1656 was sent with Elder 
James Penn to Salisbury to settle a religious con- 
troversy, — an errand of frequent occurrence at that 
time. In the following year he went to Hartford on 
business of a like nature. 

In 1662 he was sent with Simon Bradstreet, as 
colonial agent, on an important mission to England. 
This agency, which had in view an address to 
Charles II. on his restoration in 1660, was accepted 
by both with great reluctance, and delayed for some 
time by the illness of Mr. Norton. They finally 
sailed on Feb. 11, 1662, and did what was possible 
with an affair so delicate ; but on their return were 
received with frowns and charsfes of unfaithfulness 
on the part of those who had hoped for larger con- 
cessions from the king than a ratification of their 
charter. The issue of this mission was fraught 
with so much annoyance and loss of esteem to Mr. 
Norton that it is said to have shortened his life.^ 

1 Cotton Mather is authority for this statement, but see Felt's History 
of Ipswich, 224. 



I653-70-] JOHN NORTON. 95 

On Sunday, April 5, 1663, he had conducted the 
morning service, and fully intended to preach in 
the afternoon, but meantime was seized with a sud- 
den fit of apoplexy, and died the same day. The 
name of his first wife is not recorded. He married 
his second wife, Mary Mason, of Boston, on the day 
of his installation in the First Church. He left no 
children. But one brother, William, of Ipswich, 
and another, Thomas, who lived w^ith his mother 
and three sisters in London, all survived him. 

Norton was regarded as second in ability only to 
Cotton. He was rigid in doctrine and discipline, 
and favored the extremest measures against the 
Quakers. His sermon on " The Heart of New Eng- 
land Rent at the Blasphemies of the Present Gen- 
eration " shows how bitterly he felt towards that 
turbulent sect. 

For this service he was rewarded by the court 
with a grant of land.^ On the other hand, the 
Quakers reviled him while living, and at his death 
are reported to have said, " that the Lord had smit- 
ten John Norton, chief priest of Boston, as he was 
sinking dow^n by the fireside ; being under just judg- 
ment, he confessed the hand of the Lord was upon 
him, and so he died." ^ 

1 Records of Massachusetts, Vol. IV. Part I. 397. In 1659 the General 
Court grant each town copies of Mr. Norton's work, in the press, against the 
Quakers, in proportion to its rates. Felt's History of Ipswich, 61. 

- Hutchinson, Vol. I. 233, note. Memorial History of Boston, Vol. I. 
184. Notice of his sudden death from Roxbury Church records is given in 
the N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Reg. (18S0), 89; and from ibid., July (1859), an 
early pedigree, owned by Professor C. E. Norton of Cambridge. 



96 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

For those people who had no cause to dread his 
anathemas his preaching seems to have had great 
attractions. One of his former church at Ipswich 
would frequently walk to Boston, then a distance of 
thirty miles, to hear him preach at Thursday lecture, 
observing, " that it was worth a great journey to be 
a partaker in one of Mr. Norton's prayers." 

By his will, dated Jan. 14, 1661, he left ^10 to 
the poor of the church in Boston. 

The church record gives the following enumera- 
tion for the period from 1653 to 1656 inclusive: " Two 
hundred and ten children baptized, one hundred and 
twenty-three of whom were males ; twenty-four per- 
sons admitted to communion, seventeen of whom were 
women ; three men and as many women had been 
dismissed, at their own desire, to other churches ; 
one male admonished for keeping evil company ; 
three males excommunicated for the sins of drunk- 
enness and adultery ; and one male acknowledging 
the sin of drunkenness, for which he had been sus- 
pended, restored to the bosom of the church." ^ 

In January, 1657, the following question was de- 
cided in the affirmative, namely: "Whether the rela- 
tion of immediate children of church members be such 
as giveth the church a church power over them; and, 
consequently, whether it is the duty of the church 
to exercise that power regularly upon them, that 
their life and knowledge may be answerable to the 
engagement of their relation ; and whether it be the 

1 Emerson's History of First Church, 89. 



1653-70.] JOHN NORTON. ^7 



church's mind, that solemn notice be given to them 
seasonably." 

As a result of the vote, the church used to ad- 
monish and even excommunicate children of church 
members. In the same year, at a synod of twenty- 
six ministers, it was agreed that children of churcli 
members should be baptized. And again, in 1662, 
another synod was held at Boston to consider in 
part the same matter ; and it was decided that 
" church members who were admitted in minority, 
understanding the doctrine of faith, and publicly 
professing their assent thereunto, not scandalous in 
life, and solemnly owning the covenant before the 
church, wherein they give up themselves and chil- 
dren to the Lord, and subject themselves to the 
government of Christ in his church, their chil- 
dren are to be baptized."^ It was further decided 
that " it was expedient to have a consociation of 
churches." 

The statistics from 1657 to 1663 give seventy-one 
new members, forty-nine of whom were females, — 
together with one hundred and fifty-four female and 
forty-nine male baptisms.^ 

By the death of Norton, Wilson was again left 

^ The reason for adopting this measure was because some of the second 
generation of settlers had not become avowed church members, so that 
their children, constituting, of course, the third generation, would be debarred 
from baptism, unless some change was made, or the requirements were mod- 
ified. For a discussion of the " Half Way Covenant," and the opposition 
which it called forth from Davenport and Chauncy, see Dexter's Congrega- 
tiofialism, etc., 469 et seq. 

2 Emerson's History of First Church, 99. 

7 



98 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

without a colleague.^ He was now seventy-six years 
of age, and could hardly expect to bear the burden 
loner. From 1664 to 1667 inclusive,^ the church 
received large accessions, both by admissions and 
baptisms, and at the date of Wilson's death was 
particularly flourishing. On Aug. 7, 1667, the 
church lost their venerable and beloved pastor, who 
had been with them, as the record says, since " the 
first beginning of the plantation." To the account 
of his ancestors, which has already been given, it 
should be added, that his grand-uncle, Sir Thomas 
Wilson, was secretary of state to Queen Elizabeth, 
and his father-in-law, Sir John Mansfield, "a rela- 
tive of Dr. John Dod, the Decalogist," was her Maj- 
esty's surveyor and master of the Minories. 

LIFE OF WILSON. 

At ten years of age Wilson was sent to school at 
Eton. He soon showed superior scholarship ; and 
when the Duke of Biron, French ambassador, vis- 
ited the school, was chosen to deliver a Latin ora- 
tion. After four years at Eton, he was admitted to 
Kings College, Cambridge, in 1602, and there re- 

1 A letter, dated Oct. 20, 1663, and signed by the Governor in the name 
of the General Court, was sent to Dr. John Owen, desiring him to come over 
and accept the call of First Church to become teacher in place of Norton ; 
but he declined. Hutchinson, Vol. I. 226. 

2 During this period " eighty-three persons, forty-nine of whom were 
females, adjoined themselves to the church. In the same space of time two 
hundred and twenty-four children were baptized, one hundred and fourteen 
of whom were females." — Emerson's History of First Church, loi. 



1653-70.] JOHN WILSON. gg 

ceived a fellowship. His early views were opposed 
to Puritanism ; but on becoming intimate with Dr. 
William Ames and Richard Rogers of Wethersfield, 
and comparing their writings and teachings with 
those of "Greenham, Dod, and Dent, especially 
Dent's Pathway to Heaven, he saw that they who 
were nicknamed Puritans were likely to be the de- 
sirablest companions for one that intended his own 
everlasting happiness." And finally objecting to 
the ceremonious observances required by the Estab- 
lished Church, he was threatened with expulsion by 
the bishop of the diocese. His father did all he 
could to suppress these rebellious tendencies, but 
his remonstrance availed only to strengthen them 
into convictions. By the paternal advice the young 
man then went to one of the inns of court to study 
law ; but after devoting three years to this pursuit, 
the desire to preach still held mastery, and he finally 
took orders in the Church of England. On account 
of his refusal to subscribe, he experienced some 
trouble about obtaining a degree of M. A. ; but 
finally, through the intercession of the Earl of 
Northampton, chancellor of the university, the title 
was conferred. 

He continued a while at Emmanuel, and then left 
to resume the ministry. 

The first half of his life was spent in England, 
preaching the last ten or twelve years in various 
places, — at Mortlake, Henley, Bumsted, Stoke, 
Clare, Candish, and Sudbury, — besides serving as 



lOO FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

chaplain in various noble families, among others, 
that of Lady Scudamore. Early in life he had 
formed a resolution, " that if the Lord would grant 
him liberty of conscience, with purity of worship, he 
would be content, — yea, thankful, though it were at 
the furthermost end of the world." This resolve 
was at length tested, as the record shows, in 1630, 
when the storm of persecution drove him to seek 
refuge in this country.' 

His ministry in First Church covered thirty-seven 
years. Wilson was more remarkable for his strength 
of faith and love than for his talents as a preacher, 
thou2:h the last were of no mean order. He resem- 
bled Norton and others in his zeal for ordinances, 
but at the same time showed himself to be a most 
devoted friend and helper to those who needed his 
love and care. 

The story of his climbing a tree at an election in 
Cambridge, to make a speech in behalf of Winthrop, 
shows that his heart would warm to friendly offices, 
even on secular occasions. His hospitality and be- 
nevolence w^ere proverbial. Wilson was very fond 
of anagrams, which caused the witty author of the 
" Simple Cobbler of Agawam " to say that his should 
be, " I pray you come in; you are heartily welcome." 

He aided the apostle Eliot in his labors among 
the Indians, and was emplo3'ed as chaplain in the 
Pequot war.' For the latter service the court al- 

1 On account of the side which he took in the Hutchinsonian contro- 
versy, the soldiers declined to serve in his company. 




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1653-70.] JOHN WILSON. lOI 

lotted him a thousand acres of land in the present 
town of Quincy, Mass/ 

In 1638 he preached the first Artillery Election 
Sermon.^ 

In the death of Wilson the church lost a connect- 
ing link with the past. He was the last of the four 
original signers of that solemn church covenant 

J The General Court, on April i, 1634, granted to the Rev. John Wilson 
two hundred acres of land at the North River "nexte Meadford on the north." 
On December 10, of the same year, this land was ordered to be exchanged 
for the same quantity " at Mount Wooleston at his election," Mr. Wilson 
to " pass ouer to the towne of Boston " the two hundred acre farm at Med- 
ford. The land " at Mount Wooleston " to be as near his other land there 
"as may be for his most conveniency." — N. E. Hist, and Geneal. Keg. 
(1867), 33- 

The Wilson estate of one thousand acres lay in parts of Milton and 
of Qiiincy, and probably included the site occupied subsequently by the res- 
idence of John Adams. See Pattee's History of Old Braintree and Quincy, 
22, for a notice of Wilson's house ; Ibid. 11, 21, 23, 24, t^t^, 55, as to the grant 
in general. — Letter from Hon. yosiali Quincy, March 25, 1881. 

The grant to John Wilson appears to have bounded on the southwesterly 
part of the grant of upwards of one thousand acres to William Coddington 
and Edmund Quincy by the town of Boston in 1635, and probably comprised 
the Wollaston heights of the present day. A few years since a house of one 
story was standing close to a brook which falls into the bay north of Mount 
Wollaston, and about half a mile from Edmund Quincy's. It would have 
been on the way from E. Quincy's to Penny Ferry, about where the so-called 
granite bridge passes over the Neponset River. This house was probably 
Mr. Wilson's, the son or grandson of the Rev. John Wilson. The house of 
E. Quincy is yet standing, and the cellar of Mr. Coddington's has but recently 
disappeared. — Letter from Miss E. S. Quincy, March 25, iSSi. 

" In the inventory of Rev. John Wilson, — ' Richard Bracket & Edmond 
Quinsey, Braintry, 19^^ Augt., 1667, appraise the farm wherein Mr. Thomas 
Faxon doe now dwell, appertaining to the estate of the JReverend Mr. John 
Wilson lately deceased, containing one dwelling house and barne, with about 
seaven hundred acres of land, more or less of swamp, meadow, arable or 
woodland, &c., as also tenn cowes & a mare at 1300 pounds.' " — Letter from 
Mr. Thos. Minns, April 26, 1881. 

2 From that year down to the time of the removal from Chauncy Street to 
the present location in 1868, a period of two hundred and thirty years, the 
Artillery Election Sermon was preached, with scarcely a break, in First 
Church meeting-house. 



102 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

entered into before Boston was settled. Naturally 
then, as life began to fail him, his people gathered 
around to learn lessons of faith, love, and wisdom 
from the lips of the dying prophet. To them he 
said, " that he should soon go to be with his de- 
parted friends in heaven. Yet," he added, " I have 
been an unprofitable servant. The Lord be merci- 
ful to me a sinner ! " ^ 

For more than a year after the death of Wilson 
no one was called to supply the vacant place. John 
Davenport, of New Haven, a man of great report, but 
advanced in years, and James Allen, a victim of the 
Bartholomew Act, which deprived him of his living 
in Ensfland, were both " called to be teachinor offi- 
cers " Sept. 24, 1667, but were not set in office until 
Dec. 9, 1668. 

LIFE OF DAVENPORT. 

John Davenport was born in Coventry in War- 
wickshire. In the list of baptisms in Holy Trinity 
Church for the year 1597 it is entered, "Apr. 9, 
John Dampard [colloquial for Davenport], [fifth] 
son of Henrie [by Winifred Barnabet, his wife].'"^ 

At an early age Davenport was sent to the Free 
Grammar School of Coventry, then about fifty years 
old, and of established reputation. The original 

' During the year 1668 "six men and four women were admitted to 
the church, and three male and two female children baptized." — Emerson's 
History of First Church, 109. 

- The stone font then in use is still preserved. Life of Davenport by 
F. B. Dexter in New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers, Vol. TL 206. 



1653-70.] JOHN DAVENPORT. 



103 



building was still standing in 1877, " and used for 
the purpose of the endowment." ^ 

The usher at the earlier period, but afterwards 
head master, was Dr. Holland, the well-known trans- 
lator of classical works. In 161 1 Coventry was 
greatly excited over a letter froni King James, se- 
verely rebuking the city authorities for not enforcing 
the ceremony of kneeling at the sacrament. Daven- 
port, then a boy of fourteen, was thus early made 
familiar with the ruling of his spiritual master on a 
subject which, at a later period, brought about his 
separation from the Church of England. He went 
to Oxford in 161 3, — Wood says to Merton College,^ 
— at the age of sixteen. It is doubtful, however, 
to what college he belonged. The President of St. 
John's College at that time was William Laud, bet- 
ter known in history by a different title, but just 
as well to men like Davenport without any prefix 
at all. According to Wood, John Davenport and 
his kinsman, Christopher, entered college as " bat- 
tlers " (" or beneficiaries for their food and tuition "), 
until, deprived of this aid, the former was left to 
work his way. 

Forced to find some means of support, at the 
age of eighteen he became a preacher. The ser- 
mons which he wrote the first winter after his re- 
moval from Oxford — spent, as the headings show, 
at Hilton Castle, near the city of Durham — are 

^ Life of Davenport by F. B. Dexter in New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers, 
Vol. H 206. 

^ Athenas Oxonienses, Vol. IH. Col. S89. 



I04 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

still preserved in the library of Yale College.* In 
March, 1616, he removed to London, and preached 
for a year or two, without any apparent " living," 
until June, 1619, when, as the records of St. Law- 
rence Jewry show, he was chosen by the vestry lec- 
turer and curate, under Rev. William Boswell, vicar. 
He stayed there for five years, acquiring reputation 
as a preacher, and intimacy with several noble and 
eminent supporters of the rising Puritan party. He 
was next promoted to the office of vicar. On Oct. 
5, 1624, the adjoining parish of St. Stephens, Cole- 
man Street, — in the exercise of a peculiar privilege, 
which then as now gives them the right to choose 
their own minister, — extended an almost unanimous 
call to Davenport. Of seventy-three parishioners 
present, all but three or four voted for him. 

The appointment did not give satisfaction to the 
party in power, on account of his suspected Puritan 
proclivities. Documents preserved in England and 
in this country show the drift of their opinion, as 
well as the anxiety of Davenport at this period to 
meet the charges brought against him. Ten years 
after his removal from Oxford he returned to take 
the degree of B. D., of which straitened circum- 
stances had thus far deprived him. The date of 
this application was May 18, 1625. On his return 
to London, the same year, in tlie season of a great 
plague, when thousands died in that place alone, he 
devoted himself to the visitation of the sick. 

1 Dexter's Life of Davenport, 20S. 



•653-70] JOHN DAVENPORT. IO5 

For this service the parish of St. Stephens, in 
1626, voted "that Mr. Davenport shall have of the 
parish funds, as a gratuity, the sum of ^20." 

About the same time he engaged in a correspond- 
ence with Dr. Alexander Leighton, father of the 
Archbishop, on the subject of kneeling at the sacra- 
ment, in which he strongly urges the exercise of 
moderation in preference to hasty action ; and fur- 
ther cautions the fiery Scotchman not to mistake a 
shadow for substance, but rather "to unite o' forces 
against those who oppose us in Fundamentalls, 
than to be divided amongst o'selves about Ceremo- 
nialls."^ 

In March, 1627, he was one of four "evangelical 
ministers in London " who signed an appeal for aid 
in behalf of abused Protestants, " subjects of the 
Queen of Bohemia, sister of Charles I." 

As the objects of this charity were not in favor 
with the king and Council, of which Laud was now 
a member, the result of the movement in their be- 
half produced a censure from the Star Chamber. 
In 1628 he wrote a series of nine letters to Lady 
Mary Vere, a strong Puritan, " who had charge of 
the three children of the king who were in the Par- 
liament's control." In one of the first two letters, 
dated June 30, he mentions some '' High Commis- 

1 Dexter's Life of Davenport, 215. "The true Copye of a Dispute be- 
twixt Dr. Leighton, Dr. of Physicke, sometimes a preacher, and John Dav- 
enporte, Bachelor of Divinity, and pastor of St. Stephen's in Coleman 
Streete, about kneeling at the Sacram'," is in the possession of Mr. W. A. 
Saunders of Cambridge. 



I06 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

sion troubles," and fears that " former quarrels " 
with Bishop Laud may " deprive him of his pastoral 
charo-e." The Hidi Commission troubles grew out 
of an attempt to establish what Dr. Bacon calls " a 
sort of Home Missionary Society." This body was 
informally gathered in London by several preachers 
and laymen of advanced views, who were anxious to 
engage^ien of their own pattern to preach at large. 
They bought all the church livings and rights of 
presentation which they could secure, and in places 
where these were not to be had, established lecture- 
ships. The prime motive, of course, was to advance 
the growth of Puritanism ; and their chief opponent 
was not long in finding it out and summoning them 
before the court. The case finally went against 
them, and the association was dissolved in Feb- 
ruary, 1633. 

In 1629 Davenport furthered the undertaking for 
the colonization of Massachusetts, under Endicott, 
with a liberal subscription of ^50. His name does 
not appear in the list of patentees, for the reason, 
according to Mather, " that he feared its insertion 
might provoke the opposition of Laud in the Privy 
Council." But he was first on the list of a com- 
mittee to draw up instructions for Endicott. 

His first printed sermon, so far as known, enti- 
tled " A Royal Edict for Military Exercises, pub- 
lished in a Sermon preached to the Captains and 
Gentlemen that exercise Armes in the Artillery 
Garden at their general Meeting, June 23," appears 



1653-70-] JOHN DAVENPORT. 107 

in 1629. The text was divided after the fashion of 
the time, as follows : " Also | he bade them | teach | 
the children of Judah | the use of the bow. | Be- 
hold it is written in the book of Jasher." ^ 

In the same year he was joint editor with Dr. 
Sibbes of the Sermons of Dr. John Preston, who, 
at the time of his death the year before, was re- 
garded as the leader of the Puritans. 

The State Paper office contains his reply, in 
1 63 1, "to certain objections devised against him by 
Timothy Hood, sometime his curate." Hood, it 
seems, was dismissed for good cause, but took 
offence, and complained of Davenport for various 
alleged acts of non-conformity. The latter wrote 
a specific denial of the whole charge, at the same 
time admitting that there were occasions when, 
through no fault of his own, but simply on ac- 
count of the great number of his parishioners, it 
became impossible for all of them to come to the 
chancel, or kneel to receive the sacrament; "but," 
he concludes, " where they can kneel as well as 
sit he hath advised it, and in case of refusal hath 
refused to administer." ^ 

An indication of the caution which he found it 
necessary to observe at this period appears by an 
entry on the parish records, where special attention 
is called to the fact that " a weak and sickly parish- 
ioner " is licensed " to eat flesh during the present 
Lent." 

^ Dexter's Life of Davenport, 2 18. - Ibid., 219. 



I08 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

His labors at the same time were very arduous, as 
appears by another entry on the record, where it is 
"agreed [in April, 1633] that Mr. Davenport shall 
have out of the parish stock /20 towards his charge 
in going and coming from the Bathe." 

The year 1633 is supposed to be the time of his 
inward chano-e from a conformist to a non-conform- 
ist In the latter part of the same year the death 
of Archbishop Abbot, and the probable choice of 
Laud for his successor, brought about the resigna- 
tion of Davenport. " He left London on Monday, 
August 5"'," and after three months' delay, in order 
to avoid arrest, fled in disguise to Holland, "in 
pursuance of an invitation from his countrymen 
residing there." 

On his arrival at Haarlem, early in November, 
two of the elders of the English Church in Amster- 
dam met and escorted him to that place, where it 
was proposed to make him assistant to their minis- 
ter, the Rev. John Paget, a man advanced in years. 
Davenport still yearned for a return to England 
and his former parish ; but early in December all 
hope was taken away by the choice of a new man 
to fill the vacancy. 

Soon after his arrival at Amsterdam he wrote a 
letter to his old friend, Lady Vere, which contains 
an account of his sufferinos for the " alteration of 
his judgment in matters of conformity to the cere- 
monies established." 

" He now begins preaching (twice each Sunday at 



1653-70] JOHN DAVENPORT. IO9 

first)," but soon found serious difficulty with their 
custom of promiscuous baptism. Out of this grew 
a controversy with Paget, which was finally referred 
to the " Dutch Classis of City Ministers," who ap- 
pointed a committee of five prominent theologians 
to arbitrate the matter. They reported in January 
in favor of some indulgence in the observance of 
the ordinance. Davenport objected, but without 
effect ; and finally, after less than six months' ser- 
vice, gave up public preaching. One Stephen Goffe, 
chaplain of an English regiment at the Hague, and 
brother of the regicide whose life afterwards de- 
pended in such large measure upon Davenport, 
worked secretly to bring about this result. He was 
a man of slender scruples, who, in order to advance 
his own interests, laid a scheme for the removal of 
Davenport. For this purpose he sends over the 
news of his arrival to a friend in London to be for- 
warded to Laud, together with some letters still 
preserved, which sufficiently attest the malice of the 
writer. In one of these letters Goffe refers to an 
interview with Paget and Gerard Vossius, a distin- 
guished professor at Amsterdam. He worked to 
deceive the latter, especially giving hints as to the 
best course to pursue in order to prejudice his 
mind against Davenport. In a subsequent letter he 
states that his efforts have proved successful, and 
that Davenport is known as a deserter and for his 
sermons against the civil government of England. 
In conclusion, he prays that "we shall be delivered 



no FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

from this plague, and he will make for New Eng- 
land." His victim was accordingly summoned be- 
fore the English agent at the Hague to answer the 
charge of preaching against the government. 

His repl3^ dated March i8, 1634, is preserved in 
the British Museum. After giving up public preach- 
ing in April, the rest of the year was devoted to 
private meetings held at his lodgings on Sundays, 
at different hours from the regular services. To 
these gatherings many of his countrymen resorted. 
In the same year an unauthorized publication of his 
views on promiscuous baptism passed upon by the 
Dutch Classis, tog^ether with a set of rules for the 
guidance of his followers in religion, and his state- 
ment of their grievances, is made by one of those 
who attended these services. It caused some stir, 
and a reply from Paget. It also produced a " Pro- 
testation " from Davenport in 1635, and an " Apolo- 
geticall Reply" to Paget in 1636. His letter to 
Lady Vere, written in 1635, refers to the matter as 
one which has caused him great annoyance. About 
this time he appears to have visited the Hague and 
Rotterdam. He returned to England late in 1636 
or early in 1637, and probably visited Lady Vere at 
Hackney. Laud's vicar-general reported, March 6, 
at Braintree, that " Mr. Davenport had lately been 
in these parts, and at Hackney not long since. I 
am told that he goeth in gray, like a country gentle- 
man." But he avoided arrest, and sailed for New 
England, " probably about the middle of April." 



1653-70.] JOHN DAVENPORT. 1 1 i 

The proclamation, " at the end of April," passed 
to prevent unauthorized emigration, seems to have 
been in close connection with his flight. 

The band of colonists, headed by Theophilus 
Eaton, arrived at Boston on June 26, and there lin- 
gered for nine months. During this visit Daven- 
port attended an ecclesiastical council, and served 
as a member of the committee appointed to carry- 
out the vote establishing the college. In March, 
1638, it was agreed to settle at Quinipiac. About 
a fortnight before the colonists sailed from Boston 
a farewell letter, written by Davenport, was ad- 
dressed to the Bay Colony by the two leaders in the 
enterprise. They reached New Haven in April. 

Davenport was then forty-one years old, and des- 
tined to fill a large place in the new colony. Dur- 
ing the first year of the settlement he wrote two 
books, — one on civil, and the other on ecclesiasti- 
cal government, as established in the new planta- 
tion, — both of which displayed great argumentative 
powers. 

On June 4, 1639, after a sermon by Davenport, 
the Articles of Government for New Haven Colonv, 
as drawn up by him, were formally ratified.. On Au- 
gust 22 the church was established under his direc- 
tion, as also the " Profession of Faith," which, two 
years later, was printed in London. The views set 
forth in this catechism do not differ materially, if at 
all, from those of the Church of England, except in 
regard to organization and government. 



112 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

Soon after this he wrote a letter to Lady Vere, 
giving an encouraging account of the progress 
of the colony, and laying stress on the posses- 
sion of " the greatest outward privilege under the 
sun," which allows them " to have and enjoy all 
God's ordinances purely dispensed in a church 
gathered and constituted according to his owne 
minde." 

In October following, at the first election of offi- 
cers, he gave a solemn charge to Governor Eaton, 
based on the law of Moses. In 1649 Charles Chaun- 
cey, of Scituate, wrote to him for instructions on the 
point of immersion in baptisms. His reply opposed 
the practice. In 1652 he produced a "vindication 
of Jesus as the Jewish Messiah," and in 1653 began 
a series of letters to Governor Winthrop of New Lon- 
don. On June 4, 1660, Davenport transferred to 
the General Court the trust property given by Ed- 
ward Hopkins for the formation of a college at 
New Haven, and accompanied the act with an ex- 
planation of the donor's intent, and his own wishes. 
As the origin of the Grammar School in that 
place, but more particularly as a harbinger of a 
larger organization forty years later, this ceremony 
is deeply significant. 

In the same year Davenport wrote, in the name of 
the colony, a reply in Latin to a letter from John 
Dury, " who was laboring to promote the union of 
the Calvinistic and Lutheran churches." 

During the struggle which finally resulted in the 



i6S3-7o.] JOHN DAVENPORT. II3 

consolidation of New Haven and Connecticut Colo- 
nies, his pen was active in opposition. 

The story of his coming to Boston, and the contro- 
versy which thence ensued, will be told hereafter.^ 

Davenport was particularly rigid in his notions of 
church discipline. He maintained that the order 
of worship should be based on the Hebrew insti- 
tutes and the usages of the primitive Christians. 
His views on the subject of baptism were of the 
same stern description. In weighing his ability and 
character, as that of nearly all the ministers of 
the day, Cotton not excepted, allowance must be 
made for the zealous reforming spirit so apt to pos- 
sess the devotee. The story of his conduct on the 
occasion of the flight of King Charles's judges to 
New Haven shows that he possessed a resolved 
heart, at all events. On the Restoration in Eng- 
land, in 1660, three of the judges who signed the 
warrant for the execution of Charles I. fled to New 
England. On their arrival they were well enter- 
tained at various places, — among others at New 
Haven, — and for some time thought themselves out 
of danger. But the news of the king's proclamation 
for their arrest arriving, they were obliged to abscond. 
They appeared at New Milford in the daytime, but at 
night returned secretly to New Haven, and hid in 
Mr. Davenport's house until April 30, 1661. "About 
the time the pursuers came to New Haven, and 

1 " 1 663, 2^ day, 3^ month, at 3 or 4 in afternoon came Mr. John Dav- 
enport to town." — John Hull's Diary. Previous to his invitation from 
First Church he had received a calHrom the Second Church. Ante, Chap. II. 

8 



114 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

perhaps a little before, and to prepare the minds 
of the people for their reception," Davenport 
preached a series of sermons. The text of one of 
them was froni Isaiah xvi. 3, 4 : " Take counsel, ex- 
ecute judgment ; make thy shadow as the night in 
the midst of the noon-day; hide the outcasts; be- 
wray not him that wandereth. Let mine outcasts 
dwell with thee, Moab ; be thou a covert to them 
from the face of the spoiler." At the close of his 
account of him Emerson says : " As a scholar Mr. 
Davenport was always placed in the first rank. His 
judgment was profound, and his excursive fancy was 
guided by a correct taste." 



. //^^v^ jTc^t^^L 6c/vZ^ df^ ^^.%d^^"'^'^;/j 

^v.^^^i A, A^-'yT-y ^//£^/ //-.>- ,V'^/^ Y^^A 

/>-/ ^^ '-^ ff. .f Z ^'^^-y'y(' ^*^ y-^ A'^yy.-f- 

t^Phyr^A ffi-lon^ /C^y.o^qK ^ Jj^ /■'^'^^'^Z -. 




In 1669 he preached the Election Sermon. 
Davenport died March 15, 1670, at the age of 




BORIT 1597 DIED 1670 - 



1653-70.] JOHN DAVENPORT. 



115 



seventy-two. He was minister at New Haven nearly 
thirty, and of First Church not quite two years. He 
was the last of that group of four Johns so famous 
in the history of the church and colony. His body 
was interred in the Cotton tomb in the Chapel 
Burying Ground. 

The settlement of Davenport involved First 
Church in a serious controversy. Before he was 
chosen to office the majority of that church, under 
the influence of Wilson, favored the new order of 
baptism, established by the synod of 1662, com- 
monly called the " Half Way Covenant." On the 
death of Wilson, and the choice of Davenport for his 
successor, the majority experienced a reaction. The 
change in sentiment w^as doubtless owing to the 
leadership of Davenport, whom Cotton Mather calls 
" the greatest of the anti-synodists." The minority 
in the church, to the number of twenty-eight, who 
were opposed to Davenport " on the ground of the 
rigidity of his sentiments " and his advanced age, 
finally withdrew in a body, and with one member 
from the church in Charlestown formed a new 
church.^ The Third Church in Boston was, like 
the old church, formed in Charlestown at two meet- 
ings, held May 12 and 16, 1669, under the sanction of 
a council of churches, which assumed the granting of 
a regular dismissal'denied to them by the old church. 
F'irst Church took no part in the ceremonies either 

' The land for the Third (or South) Meeting-house was given by Madam 
Norton, widow of Rev. John Norton of First Church. 



Il6 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

of formation or election of officers, and refused to 
dismiss the wives of some of the dissenting brethren 
who wished to join their husbands in the new cov- 
enant. Church contentions in those days seldom 
proceeded far without the intervention of the Gen- 
eral Court ; and this case proved to be no exception. 
At the May session, 1670, that body decided in 
favor of First Church, in opposition to the organi- 
zation of the new, or Third Church. The following 
is a part of the report of a committee appointed to 
examine into "those prevailing evils which were the 
probable cause of God's displeasure towards our 
land " : — 

" Declension from the primitive foundation work; inno- 
vation in doctrine and worship, opinion and practice ; an 
invasion of the rights, liberties, and privileges of churches ; 
a usurpation of a lordly, prelatical power over God's her- 
itage ; a subversion of gospel order ; and all this with a 
dangerous tendency to the utter devastation of these 
churches ; turning the pleasant gardens of Christ into a 
wilderness ; and the inevitable and total extirpation of the 
principles and pillars of the congregational way: these 
are the leaven, the corrupting gangrene, the infecting, 
spreading plague, the provoking image of jealousy set up 
before the Lord, the accursed thing, which hath provoked 
divine wrath, and doth further threaten destruction." 

Some of the ministers objected to this report so 
strenuously that, the popular sentiment in the mean 
time having completely changed, it brought forth an 
apology the following year. " The court decreed 
that all papers relating to the late difficulty should be 



1653-70.] JOHN DAVENPORT. II7 

accounted useless, and that no odium ought to rest 
upon those ministers who had been instrumental in 
establishing the Third Church. In doing this, how- 
ever, care was taken to secure the authority of the 
magistrates ; and due caution was administered 
against questioning the rectitude of legislative pro- 
ceedings." From letters preserved in the records it 
appears that the church at Dedham was at variance 
with First Church over the removal of Davenport. 
As might have been expected, the church did not 
thrive during all this controversy.^ It received very 
few accessions, and was busied principally with 
admonitions and excommunications. 

" On 12 Feb., 1669, Edward Ransford and Jacob Eliot 
were dismissed from the office of deacons for setting their 
hands, with other brethren, to desire their dismission from 
the church, because the church had chosen Mr. Davenport 
for their pastor." 

" On 29 March, 1670, at a meeting called about our dis- 
senting brethren, the question, whether the church see light 
from the word of God to dismiss our dissenting brethren 
that desire it, was answered in the negative, unanimously." 

"At a general meeting of the church on 16 August, 1669, 
it was voted by the church, that our honored magistrates 
do draw up instructions for Capt, Clarke to N. Haven, 
that they might declare the owning of the letter sent from 
them to this church to be a true dismission for M' Dav- 
enport." ^ 

1 " In 1669 two men only and six women were received as members. 
Twenty male and nineteen female infants, in that year, were baptized." — 
Emerson's History, 117. 

2 It was one of the objections against settling Mr. Davenport, that he 
had not been properly dismissed from his former church at New Haven, as 
would appear by letters, parts of which, it was claimed, had been suppressed. 



Il8 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

" At a meeting of y" church: on y*" 20 : of August: 69, 
It was voted by y" church y' maj' gen", y'' elders, w'' Capt. 
Clark, M' Stoddard, and M' Cooke, do draw up a letter in 
answer to y^ letter sent from Dedham Church, enquiring 
after the proceeding of y" church about a letter or letters 
from y'-" church of N. Haven to this church, and to sign it 
in the name of the church." 

"On 25 Aug., 1669, the church met to hear the letter 
read that was sent to Dedham ; and they did unanimously 
concur with it, as their own mind." 

"At a church meeting on 9 Oct., 1669, 'upon hearing the 
letter read from N. Haven in answer to a letter of two of 
the elders to them, it was voted, unanimously, that the 
church doth stand to the former vote and judgment, in the 
case of the elders, about the extracting the sense of the 
letters dismissive.' " 

The following vote alone shows a lingering re- 
gard for the spiritual welfare of the members, in 
the midst of all this strife : — 

" At a publick church meeting, on the 13 of the 10 mo., 
1669, it was agreed on and concluded by a unanimous 
vote, that the elders should go from house to house to 
visit the families, and see how they are instructed in the 
grounds of religion." 

LIFE OF ALLEN. 

James Allen, the colleague of Davenport, was 
born June 24, 1632. His father was a minister in 
Hampshire, England. Allen entered Magdalen 
Hall, March 16, 1649; and at New College, Oxford, 

The original protest of seventeen ministers charging the elders of First 
Church with suppressing letters, or parts of letters, is preserved in the 
Massachusetts Historical Society Library. Trumbull and Hutchinson dis- 
cuss the matter more fully than is here attempted. 



1653-70.] JAMES ALLEN. II9 

proceeded for an M. A., and became a fellow. He 
came to this country as an ejected minister, arriving 
at Boston June 10, 1662. He married Hannah, 
daughter of Richard Dummer, Aug. 18, 1663. She 
died at twenty-one, " probably without children." 

His second wife, Elizabeth, whom he married 
soon after, was widow of the second John Endicott, 
and daughter of Jeremiah Houchin. Allen brought 
over with him from England a recommendation 
from Mr. Goodwin. Mr. Davis, a merchant in Bos- 
ton, and a fellow-passenger of Allen, says that half a 
dozen of the " great church " were anxious, as he 
supposes, to secure him for assistant on his first 
arrival, " the Lord having given him large room in 
the hearts of the people," but some were at that 
time opposed to it. Though not called to be teacher 
on his first coming, he several times acted in that 
capacity. Eleazer Mather, of Northampton, writes 
to Mr. Davenport, of New Haven, on the "4"' of 5"' 
month, 1662, here is come with Woodgreene, one 
Mr. Allen, a young man, a very able teacher. He 
hath taught here divers times since he came." 

In the year 1700 his name appears as one of the 
fifteen fejlows of Harvard Colleofe. 

His second wife died April 5, 1673, leaving sev- 
eral children, one of whom, Jeremiah, became Treas- 
urer of the Province in 1715, and another, James, 
graduated from Harvard in 1689.^ 

1 Savage's Genealogical Dictionary of New England, Vol. I. 31. When 
Emerson was minister one of his posterity worshipped in First Church. 
Emerson's History of First Church, 157. 



I20 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1653-70. 

On Sept. II, 1673, he married his third wife, 
Sarah, widow of Robert Breck, and daughter of 
Captain Thomas Hawkins. 

Allen lived in a handsome stone house,^ and was 
possessed of a large estate. " His wealth gave him 
the power, which he used, as a good bishop, to be 
hospitable." He steadily supported ecclesiastical 
order and government, but recognized the divine 
authority of Christ in all things, and the right of 
conscience to dictate his actions. He was jealous 
of the- rights and privileges of the church, and would 
guard the latter from all encroachments. His third 
wife died Nov. 25, 1705. He died Sept. 22, 1710, at 
the age of seventy-eight years, " forty-six of which 
he had been a member, and forty-two a vigilant ruler 
and instructor of the church." 

" During the six years, ending in 17 10, twenty-four 
men and sixty-six women had been admitted into 
the church. In the same period the number of bap- 
tisms was two hundred and two, — one hundred and 
thirteen males and eighty-nine females." ^ 

1 Drake's Landmarks of Boston, 363. 

2 Emerson's History of First Church, 157. 



CHAPTER IV. 

1671-1710. 

JAMES ALLEN, JOHN OXENBRIDGE, JOSHUA MOODEY, 
JOHN BAILEY, BENJAMIN WADSWORTH, THOMAS 
BRIDGE. 

Condition of Religious Affairs down to the Present Period. — Trouble 
with the Baptists and Quakers. — John Oxenbridge. — Contribu- 
tion for Harvard College. — Psalm-singing. — Penn Legacy. — 
Synod of 1679. — Other Churches invited to assist in carrying on 
Thursday Lecture. — Reconciliation between First and Third 
Churches. — Joshua Moodey. — Estabhshment of Episcopacy. — 
Arbitrary Conduct of Governor Andros. — Salaries provided for 
the Ministers at this Period. — Modifications under the new Charter 
of 1692. — John Bailey. — Benjamin Wadsworth. — Churches in 
Boston in 1698. — Formation of Brattle Street. — Union between 
Church and College. — Thomas Bridge. — Erection of a Parsonage. 

"\^ ZE have now reached a period in the history 
of the colony during which an important 
change was to take place in the relation of Church 
and State ; taking away from the former that power 
which never properly belonged to it, and transfer- 
ring the jurisdiction in civil affairs to the people. 
This reform, so vital in its operation, did not ac- 
tually occur till 1692, when the new charter took 
effect; but the present place seems to afford a favor- 
able opportunity for taking a parting glimpse at 



122 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

the old order of things as it existed in the days of 
Cotton and Norton, when the church governed all. 
For nearly a quarter of a century no attack on the 
Puritan system of church government had met with 
more than limited success. The influence of one 
man, aided by the laws of the colony, had presented 
an impregnable barrier to any such attempts. The 
Quakers, to be sure, had caused some trouble, but no- 
where had established themselves as a society of any 
consequence, except on the borders of Rhode Island. 
The number of Baptists was perhaps even smaller 
than that of the Quakers, and the attempt to estab- 
lish an Episcopal church had thus far entirely 
failed. The influence of one man had done a great 
deal to keep this system in working order. " What- 
ever Mr. Cotton delivered was soon put into an 
order of court, if of a civil, or set up as a practice 
in the church, if of an ecclesiastical concernment." 

It is not proposed to enter into an analysis of the 
peculiar form of church government as established 
by Cotton and others, and commonly known as 
Puritan theocracy. The experiment of governing 
a country on strictly Biblical principles, then for 
the first time tried, proved difficult to handle, and 
in the end impracticable. Such an undertaking was 
found to attempt too much, and instead of keeping 
out objectionable characters, it only offered strong 
inducement to them to come in. 

The system, as first introduced, comprehended 
the enforcement of a strict rule relating to baptism. 



1671-1710.] JAMES ALLEN. 1 23 

The struggle came with the second generation of 
colonists. Serious objections began to be raised 
about baptizing the children of such as had not be- 
come full church-members. Synods were called " to 
allay the evils." These in their turn were strenu- 
ously opposed, and parties were divided into synod- 
ists and anti-synodists, the former finally carrying 
the day. 

The part assumed by First Church resulted, as 
we have seen, in the refusal to ratify the Half Way 
Covenant, and the withdrawal of a portion of its 
members to constitute the Third, or South Church. 
The stern Norton had been dead more than five 
years when this separation took place. The age in 
which he lived is known as one of bitter intoler- 
ance as well as of earnest ecclesiastical contro- 
versy. England had set the example in adopting 
repressive measures towards the fanatical spirits 
with whom she was overrun. The charter of the 
Bay Colony was peculiarly adapted to foster similar 
notions. 

The form of government attempted to be estab- 
lished by the colonists recognized not only the right, 
but the obligation to ward off " erratic spirits." 
The laws of the colony were framed so as to keep 
" police order " in religion. They recognized no dis- 
tinction, save in kind, between religious and civil of- 
fences. In either case the offender might be fined, 
imprisoned, banished, whipped, put in the stocks, or 
hung. That our fathers made prompt use of these 



124 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

means of enforcing discipline, the records will amply 
testify. No punisliment was too severe for the re- 
ligious offender. They were especially violent in 
their opposition to the Quakers and Baptists. We 
have seen how far his zeal in this direction carried 
•Norton. He was instrumental in, if not directly re- 
sponsible for, the execution of the Quakers on Boston 
Common, through the violence of his attack on what 
he called their blasphemous beliefs. But while we do 
not defend the course they pursued, we must be 
careful not to judge men like Norton too hastily. 
Harsh as their conduct was, we generally find some 
excuse for it in the extremely exasperating behavior 
of those with whom they had to deal. The Quaker 
spirit of that day was very different from the temper 
of the modern Friend. Those who were called 
Quakers then would scarcely be recognized by 
that name to-day. Their nature was aggressive, 
and they courted persecution. 

Some of them reviled the magistrates, calling them 
"just asses"; and others, under pretence of prophesy- 
ing, appeared in public without clothing, or simply 
wrapped in sheets, with their faces smeared with 
black paint, like demons denouncing direful judg- 
ments on the colony. Such exhibitions were dan- 
gerous as well as repulsive, and well calculated to 
shock the nerves of sensitive people. 

The perpetrators had to be put down. If those 
who performed this task betrayed any undue zeal, 
we must bear in mind the perversity they encoun- 



1671-1710.] JOHN OXENBRIDGE. 1 25 

tered and the strict line of conduct they felt bound 
to pursue in dealing with it. 

Allen and Oxenbridge, it is pleasant to record, do 
not appear to have encouraged any such procedure ; 
but simply because, whilst they utterly abhorred the 
practices of these sects, they could not conscien- 
tiously interfere. 

John Oxenbridge and wife were admitted into the 
church, March 20, 1670,^ and on the loth of the 
next month he was unanimously chosen pastor. 

LIFE OF OXENBRIDGE. 

John Oxenbridge was born at Daventry, Jan. 30, 
1608. He belonged to the Surrey branch of the 
Sussex (Eng.) family of Oxenbridge. His grand- 
father, John Oxenbridge, a graduate of Oxford in 
1572, and quite a famous Puritan preacher, was 
twice brought before the High Commission for an 
attempt to bring in a new form of prayer. In 1580 
he is said to have been imprisoned for his zeal in 
the cause " and continuing in his course, subscribed 
temp. Archbishop Whitgift, the book of discipline." 
His son Daniel, father of John of Boston, was a 
graduate of Christ Church, Oxford, and a physician 
of high standing at Daventry in Northamptonshire, 

1 "At a church meeting on y^ 9''' day of October, 1669, it was agreed on 
& voted w'*^ a vnanimous consent y' M"^ Oxenbridge bee desired to bee 
Assistant to y'= present teaching officers in preaching y<^ word of god." 

" It was voted y' Majo'' Generall APTing, Elder Penn, & Leiftenant Cooke 
do give this invitation of y^ church to M"" Oxenbridg as their messingers." — 
Church Records, 32. 



126 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

and later in life in London, where he was made a 
fellow of the College of Physicians. 

While at Daventry, Daniel married Katherine 
"daughter of Clement Throgmorton of Hasley, 
third son of Sir George Throgmorton of Loughton 
(the family being patrons of Southam), and so de- 
scended from Edward III." By her he had three 
sons, of whom the eldest was John, and four daugh- 
ters.^ 

Brought up under Puritan traditions and influ- 
ences, like Cotton, Oxenbridge naturally became a 
disciple of that school. In 1623, at eighteen years 
of age, he was admitted as a commoner of Lincoln 
College, Cambridge,^ and thence removing to Mag- 
dalen, Oxford, took his degrees of B. A., Nov. 13, 
1628, and M. A., June 18, 1631. He was " dis- 
tutored " in May, 1634, for making several rules of 
his own to be subscribed and sworn to by his 
scholars, " for their better government," which were 
inconsistent with those established by the college 
authorities.^ 

After leaving the university, Oxenbridge married 
his first wife, Jane, daughter of Thomas Butler of 
Newcastle, merchant, by Elizabeth Clavering of Cal- 

^ W. D. Cooper's sketch of the Oxenbridges of Sussex and Boston, Mass. 
(London, i860), 5. 

2 Cooper says that the person admitted as a commoner at that date, 
according to Wood in his Athenas Oxonienses, could not have been this John, 
who was then three years younger, and adds that " he was admitted a pen- 
sioner of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, April 28, 1626, and matriculated in 
July of the same year." 

'^ " The sentence distutoring Oxenbridge is printed in Wharton's Remains 
of Laud, Vol. II. 70." — Cooper's Sketch of the Oxenbridges, etc., 7. 



1671-1710.] JOHN OXENBRIDGE. 1 27 

laley, aunt to Sir John Clavering of Axvvell. He 
then began to preach in England, but soon took a 
voyage with his wife, " who had an infirm body, but 
was strong in faith," to the Bermudas, " where he 
exercised his ministry." They returned to England 
from a second visit there, in 1641, during the Long 
Parliament, and visited various places. His will men- 
tions Great Yarmouth, Beverley, Berwick, and Bristol, 
and to these should be added London and Winches- 
ter. In January, 1644, he visited Great Yarmouth, 
and there preached at half past eight o'clock every 
Sunday morning, before the regular time of service. 
He did this without pay for several months, but 
at his departure received ^15 from the Corporation, 
who at that time had control of spiritual affairs. At 
Beverley, where he next engaged "as perpetual curate 
of the minister in the patronage of the Corporation," 
a similar entry appears on the Corporation books, 
showing " his disinterestedness in money matters." 
There it was, " ^40 ordered to Mr. Oxenbridge and 
Mr. Wilson [his colleague]. . . . Mr. Wilson having 
had satisfaction by the parishioners for his part, and 
Mr. Oxenbridge requiring nothing." His first wife 
is described as " a scholar beyond what is usual in 
her sex, and of a masculine judgment in the pro- 
found points of theology " ; and her husband, " a 
grave divine, and of great ministerial skill, loved 
commonly to have her opinion upon a text before 
he preached it." 

After visiting Berwick upon Tweed, in 1650-51, 



128 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

and a trip to Scotland in company " with another 
Consresational minister," in April, 1652, he was 
made fellow of Eton College, on Oct. 25, of the same 
year, in place of John Symonds, deceased. In the 
last days of Charles I., while at Beverley, Oxenbridge 
had secured the friendship of Andrew Marvell. 

In a letter to Oliver Cromwell, dated Windsor, 
July 28, 1653, Marvell speaks thus highly of Oxen- 
bridge and his wife. It appeared that Marvell had 
been living in his family by advice of Cromwell. 
He says: — 

" I ow infinitely to your lordship, for having placed us in 
so godly a family as that of Mr. Oxenbridge, whose doctrine 
and example are like a book and a map, not only interesting 
the eare, but demonstrating to the ey, which way we ought 
to travel!. And Mrs. Oxenbridge has a great tenderneese 
over him also in all other things. She has looked so well 
to him that he hath already much mended his complexion. 
And now she is busy ordering his chamber, that he may 
delight to be in it as often as his studyes require." 

This happy state of things did not long continue, 
for soon after his wife became a confirmed invalid 
for five years, and died April 25, 1658, aged 2)7 • 
vShe was buried at Eton on the 28th. In the 
Chapel of Eton College was erected a monument 
with a Latin inscription by Marvell in her memory, 
"wherein 't is said that while he preached abroad, 
she would preach and hold forth in the house." The 
epitaph gave such offence to the royalists at the time 
of the Restoration, that they daubed it over with 



1671-1710.] JOHN OXENBRIDGE. I29 

paint. By his first wife Oxenbridge had several 
children, one of whom, Daniel, " of rare accomplish- 
ments as a Christian, a phisician, and a scholar," 
died young and unmarried. After he had been a 
widower about a year, Oxenbridge married " a re- 
ligious virgin named Frances, the only daughter of 
Hezekiah Woodward, the schismatical vicar of Bray, 
near Windsor." She died in childbed in the first 
year of their marriage, at the age of twenty-four. 
The child, born July 25, 1629, named Theodora, 
married, Nov. 21, 1677, Rev. Peter Thatcher of 
Milton, Mass., and died in 1697.^ 

While at Eton, on Jan. 25, 1658, Oxenbridge 
preached a funeral sermon on " Hon. Francis Lord 
Rouse, one of Cromwell's Lords, who died Provost 
of Eton." After the Restoration in 1660, he ceased 
to enjoy his fellowship, and w^iile preaching at Ber- 
wick on Tweed, the Act of Conformity, in 1662, 
silenced him. 

He then visited the West Indies and the Barba- 
does, and finally "tumbled into" the New World in 
1669. Before coming to New England, perhaps at 
the Barbadoes, he married his third wife, Susanna, 
"widow of Mr. Abbit." In October, 1669, previous 
to his acceptance of the call from Boston, he re- 
ceived an invitation from the church in Charlestown. 

1 " The descendants of Peter and Theodora Thatcher have been very 
numerous, and the family has always been held in high esteem in Massachu- 
setts. Among them have been many eminent divines, lawyers, and mer- 
chants." The present minister traces his descent in the maternal line from 
this source. 



130 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

Soon after his settlement as pastor of First Church, 
on "17: 10: 71," on motion of the Deputy Gov- 
ernor, the church unanimously voted to give him 
^50 by the hands of the deacons, to be " a small 
token of their Respect, Loue, and thankfulness vnto 
him." 

In 1 67 1 Oxenbridge preached the Election Ser- 
mon ^ from Hosea viii. 4, " and he warns his 
hearers 'not to backslide and fashion themselves 
to the flaunting mode of England, in worship or 
walking. 

In 1672 he was one of seven ministers appointed 
to conduct the services on a fast day ordered to be 
observed, on June 23, by the General Court. 

On May 15, 1672, on the death of President 
Chauncy of Harvard, John Oxenbridge and Vicar 
Oakes were added to the Board of Licensers of the 
Press, a very dignified body. 

In 1673 he was one of the Committee of Ten to 
report as to the negative power of the General 
Court, and if it existed, " the best expedient for an 
issue, whether by lot or otherwise." In the same 
year he was joint executor with his colleague, 
James Allen, and Anthony Stoddard, of the will 
of Governor Bellingham. 

Oxenbridge died suddenly of apoplexy. On Dec. 
23, 1674, at Thursday Lecture, he was forced to 



1 A copy of this sermon, the only one probably in existence, is in the 
possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. It was allowed to be 
printed on Oct. n, 1672, and published in 1673. 



i67i-i7'o] JOHN OXENBRIDGE. 131 

stop preaching, " and was carried home in a Cedan." 
He died on the 28th, and was buried on the 31st 
with great solemnity in Cotton's tomb in the Chapel 
Burying Ground. His third wife survived him 
twenty-one years, and died in 1696. 

Of his popularity as a preacher the church record 
amply, testifies. During the short period while it 
was under his charge, the number of admissions to 
the church was eighty-one, fifty-four of whom were 
females ; and ninety-one males and ninety females 
were baptized.^ 

Of his preaching and literary abilities, Emerson 
says: "He is reckoned by the historians of Boston 
among the most elegant writers as well as eloquent 
preachers of his time. Like his great and good pre- 
decessors, he was sincerely attached to the Congre- 
gational interest ; and the piety which he cherished 
at heart exhibited itself in his habitual conversa- 
tion." 

In his will dated " Boston in New England y^ 12"^ 
day of y^ first month in y^ year 167!" probated 
in Suffolk County, Jan. 9, 167I, besides a legacy 
of ^20 to the elders and deacons of the First 
Church of Boston for the use of the church, he 
gives " to y" publick Library in Boston or elsewhere, 
as my executors and overseers shall judge best, 
Augustine's workes in 6 volumes, y^ centuries in 
8 volumes, y^ catalogue of Oxford library [and a 
number of other works]." 

1 Emerson's History of First Church, 125. 



132 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

In the year 1672 the church contributed to the 
support of Harvard College. The following entry 
shows that many of the subscribers were anxious at 
the same time to have the college removed from 
Cambridge to Boston. 

"10 (i) yVi. This Daye a publicke Contribution was 
made in the Congregation for the vse of y' Collcdge at 
Cambridge at the motion of the Counsel!, and beside the 
pubhcke there was a priiiate subescription wherein did 
many show their desire to haue it at Boston by subscribing 
for Boston 10 ffould, 5 fifould, 3 ffould, and y" like. 

" This Contributio went ouer all the' Country." 

The earliest notice of psalmody is contained in 
the following: "17: 5: 72. Richard Cooke and 
Simon Rodgers were Desired to scl the psalmes upon 
Saboth and Lecture Dayes." ^ 

By his will dated " the 2(f of the 7"^ month, 1671," 
Elder James Penn of First Church left a legacy of 
^10 per annum to the elders and deacons of the 
church " for the maintenance of such poor scholar or 
scholars at the Colledge as they shall see good ; and 
[his] dwelling house [he gives] to the first Church of 
Christ in Boston for euer." The former part of this 
legacy continues to be dispensed at the present day, 
and the list of beneficiaries appearing on the church 
record testifies to the good uses to which it has been 
put from the earliest times. 

The poor of the church were not specifically pro- 
vided for at this period from any fund or legacy. 

1 Church Records, 35. 



1671-1710.] JAMES ALLEN. I33 

But the following vote shows that they were well 
cared for notwithstanding. 

" Att a meeting of the Church att my house January 
31"' 8}i Voted unanimously y' y' shall bee a Constant 
gatJiering for the use of the Sacrament on Sacrament 
dayes. 

" ^"^ P^^'"^- " JA. Allen, Teacherr 

. For a period of ten years after the death of Oxen- 
bridge, Allen was left in sole charge of the congre- 
gation. 

The year 1679 witnessed the calling of a synod by 
the General Court, " under an apprehension that the 
sins of the land loudly cried for the vengeance of 
heaven." John Sherman and Urian Oakes were 
chosen by the ministers to represent their body. 
Two questions were propounded at the synod. 
First: " What are the sins which have provoked the 
divine anser.'* Second : What are the means of re- 
moving it?" The result of the synod was coip- 
municated to the General Court. It contained a 
graphic sketch of the sins and calamities that were 
supposed to be weighing upon the community, and 
recommended that steps be taken towards a revival 
of religion. Most of the churches took occasion to 
renew their covenants and strengthen their relig- 
ious faith. First Church did not respond very cor- 
dially to the invitation to attend the synod, being 
apprehensive, it would appear, of an attack on 
church liberty. 



134 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

" Aug. 5'!' 1679, Voted by y" Church upon an order of y^ 
Generall Court to send Elders & Messengers to a Synod to 
meet y*" 2' 4"' day in Sept. 

"Tho wee doe not see hght for y" calhng of a Synod 
att this time, yett y' being one called : y' \v' good theare 
is or may bee motioned may bee encouraged and evill 
pVented by o' Testimony, wee are willing to send o'' 
Messengers to it: Tho w'ever is theire determined, wee 
looke upon & judge to bee no further binding to us, y" the 
light of Gods word is y'by cleared to o' Consciences." 

On the same day it was voted to allow the North 
and South churches to assist in carrying on Thurs- 
day Lecture. 

" Aug. 5''' 1679, Voted by the Church, upon an order &• 
advice of y" magisti^ates, y' all y"^ Elders of this Towne 
might joyntly carry on y' 5"' day Lecture. 

" In Answer to y- motion of y"' Hon''* Magistrates about 
the Lecture ; Tho as an injunction wee Cannot Concurre w* 
it, but doe humbly bare o' witncsse against it, as ap' bending 
it tending to y" infringem' of Church Libertie : yett if the 
Lord incline the hearts of the other Teaching officers of this 
Towne to accept of desire of o' Officers, to give y' assist- 
ance w"' those of this Church, who shall bee desired to Carry 
on theire fifth day Lecture, wee are willing to accept theire 
help therein." ^ 

In 1682 the disagreement between the First and 
Third churches, which had continued for fourteen 
years, came to an end. An effort was made in that 
year to establish an Episcopal church in Boston. 
Both societies regarded such a church as a common 
enemy, and so both came together and united their 

1 Church Records, 39, 40. Diary of Peter Thatcher. 



1671-1710.] JAMES ALLEN. I35 

energies to prevent its establishment, The pro- 
posal for a reconciliation was voted by First Church, 
April 23, 1682/ 

A Motion to y^ South cnh). At a meetinge of the 
ffirst Church in Boston. 

Question : Whether yo" be willinge, keeping the Rule 
in its Intirenes & not Revokeinge yo' Testimony thereto, 
viz. y' Rule of Church order w''*' we haue pffesed Asent 
vnto, & is pubhshed as the Judgment of the Churches of 
new England platff of Discipi CJiapt 13 throughout. To 
fforgiue & fforget all offences Respectinge our selues y' we 
iudge haue iustly bin taken at our Desentinge Brethern. 

Supposeinge y' passe in the old Church, 
O. Will it not be expedient y' it be Loueingly presented 
to the Disentinge Bretheren and y' Society by a meet 
j)son or psons, & y' they be desired to signiffie by 
writinge their Approbation of y' Rule & iudgeinge 
any Deviation ffrom it to be Irregular, & if y Returne 
be Acceptable y' it male be Recorded by both in 
memory of an Happie issue of y^ vnComffortable & 
Longe breach and the begineinge of o' desired peace, 
w'^*' the Lord grant. Amen. 

Voted in y" Affirmative Together. 

Lett' from y" 3^^ Cnft in Boston, to the First — in Return 
to y^ above motion. 

WORSHIPFULL, Reuerend, & BELOVED, — As we can- 
not but w^'' greeffe acknowledge the great evill y' Y is 
in Deuisions ffrom the sad Experience which we haue had 
of the Dangerous Inffluence which the Distance betwixt 
yo" & vs hath had in y' Land, so wee Desire Jiartily to 

1 " In August, 1670, a formal proposal of accommodation was made by the 
new church to the old ; but without success." — Wisner's History of Old South 
Chicrch, II. The vote of the old church in 1679, allowing the other churches 
(North and South) to share in the conduct of Thursday Lecture, may possibly 
indicate a tendency to yield, but no decided step was taken until 1682. 



136 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

Acknowledge the goodnes of god in moueinge yo' hearts 
to Looke Towards a Pasciffication, & w"' ThankfTfulhies to 
Accept at yo' hands y® kind tender of Reconciliatio, made 
vnto vs, to the ffurtheringe whereof God fforbid y' we should 
willffully put any Obstruction, who Rather Desire to put all 
y^ handcs we haue to the pmotinge of it : As beinge sen- 
cible of y^ Truth of w' he intimated, 2 Sam. 2. 26, That if 
the Sword Devour ffor ever it wilbe bitternes in y'' end. 

As ffor the Condicion of Accomodacio w^*" hath been 
p'sented to vs ffrom yo' selues by the wo'shipfull Samuell 
Nowell esquire & the Reuerend M"" James Allen, we are 
ffully and ffreely Ready to subscribe it. And as we haue 
Publickly & pticulerly in the Last Sinod Acknowledged the 
Platfforme of Church Discipline w^** was agreed vpon by 
the Elders & Messengers of the Churches to be ffor y* Sub- 
stance of it Orthodox, So we doe now in pticuler ^^ffese 
y' we doe beleiue y* 13 chapter of y' Booke throughout to 
be Accordinge to Rule & the mind of god in his word 
Respectinge y' case y'in treated of, & y' any Deviation 
y'ffrom is Irreguler, & wherein any of o' Sinffull infifirmities 
haue been greiuous to all or any of yo' Church we aske 
fforgiuenes both of god & of yo'selues. And desire dayly to 
praye, what we know not Teach thou vs. And if we haue 
done Amisse we will do so noe more; ffor our selues we are 
Hartily Content That all thinges wherein we iudge' our 
Selues to haue beene Agreiued male be buried in Oblivion. 

The god of peace Direct yo" to a good & Happy Issue- 
inge of y'' great affaire w"'' yo" haue so Candidly begun, & 
Cover all the ffailinges of his people vnder the Robe of 
Christ Righteousnes, Granting vnto vs all the blessinge 
of the Gospell of peace & to yo'selues the Blessednes of 
Peacemakers. 

Soe Praye, 

To the Reuerend Mr James Allen Teacher wnrshipffuU, Reuered, & Beloued, 

and Mr John Wiswall Ruleing Elder yor Bretheren in the Lord Jesus Christ, 

of ye ffirst gathered Church Samuell Willard, 

in Boston in the name & w'tli the ffree & ffull 

theise vote of the Bretheren of ye 3 

'0' gathered Church in Boston. 
To be Comunicated to ye 
Church. 



1671-1710.] JAMES ALLEN. 1 37 

Lett' from y" first tnii in Boston, to the Third — in 
answer to their Lett'. 

At a meetinge of y' ffirst Church of Christ in Boston, 
Maya 7, 1682. 

HONNORED, WORSHIPFFULL, REUEREXD, & BELOUED IN 
THE Lord, — Wee Haue Receaued yo' Returne by the 
worshipffull M' John Hull Esquire & the Reuerend M' 
Samuell Willard to o' motion to peace, wherein yo" ex- 
presse yo' ThankfifuU reception & ffuU Concurrence w"' the 
Condicion of Accomodation therein mentioned w'"" we De- 
clare to be Acceptable to vs. And wherein our sinffuU 
inffirmities haue been greivous to yo" or any of yo", we 
mutually aske forgiuenes of god & you, And Desire all 
offences we iudge haue been giuen vs maye be fforgiuen 
and fforgotten, Desireinge to fforgiue others euen as we 
'beieiue god ffor Christ sake hath fforgiuen vs. 

And we ffurther intreat that Both our motion and your 
Returne and this Conclusion maye be Recorded w'h yo" as it 
shallbe ^ w"' vs in memory of a Happy Issue of our vnCom- 
ffortable Distance & the waye of o' peace. 

Now the god of peace that brought againe ffrom the 
Dead o' Lord Jesus Christ, that great sheepheard of the 
sheepe, by the blood of the everlastinge covenant make 
yo" pffect in every good worke to Doe his will, workeinge 
in you that w^'' is most well pleasinge in his sight. Soe 

prayes, 

Honnored, Reuerend, Beloued, 
Yo' Bretheren in the ffaith & ffellowshipe of Gospell, 

James Allen, 
John Wiswall, 
W"' the ffull & vnanimovs Consent of y*" bretheren. 

^ At the date of this entry it was not quite fully settled what particles and 
parts of the auxiliary verbs should be used as separate words. In this con- 
nection it may be as well to observe that the plan adopted in this work of 
preserving as much as possible the original spelling and combination of words 
in quoting from old manuscripts and records is sanctioned by some of the 
best authorities on the subject. The attempt, therefore, has been made to 
follow this course wherever such quotations are inserted. 



138 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

In the year 1682, it appears by the church records 
that Sampson Bond was invited to preach. The 
vote was in the " affirmative and generally," but 
nothing came of it. 

No assistant was settled till " 1 1 (3) 84," when the 
following question was put : — 

Bretheren, — The evidence of god Haueinge brought 
m' Moody into the Towne vnder such circumstances as 
yo" know, 

Whether yo" be willinge y' in y^ name of the Church he be 
Desired Dureinge his abode and Residence here to be Con- 
stantly helpffull to our Teacher in preachinge of the word 
of god amonge vs. 

The Daye aboues'' presented If yea, maniffest byi 

and Accepted. your Signe. 

John Wiswall. Voted Affirmatively, 

James Allen, 

JojyN WiSVVALL.l 

LIFE OF MOODEY. 

Joshua Moodey, son of William Moodey of Ips- 
wich in Suffolk, was born in England in 1633. 
His father came to this country soon after, and in 
1635 became one of the first settlers of Newbury, 
Mass. After graduating at Harvard College in 
1653, Moodey remained in Cambridge for some time 
and joined the church. He then went to Ports- 
mouth in 1658, and in 1660 was settled as pastor in 
that place.^ Though not ordained to the office until 

^ Church Records, 44. 

■^ "In 1662, probably with a view to secure him an attentive audience, 
' Ordered, that a cage be made, or some other means invented by the Select- 
men, to punish such as sleepe or take tobacco on the Lord's day out of the 
meeting in the time of the publique exercise.'" — 'Sl'Bl.^Y's Harvard Gradu- 
ates, Vol. I. 367. 



1671-1710.] JOSHUA MOODEY. 1 3^ 

1 67 1, when the First Church was fairly organized 
under his direction, he preached statedly from his 
first coming.^ His trials during the period of his 
first settlement in Portsmouth, arising from the tyr- 
anny of Governor Cranfield, at last drove him to 
Boston, in 1684, to accept the call there offered. 

" The providence of God having Cast R"' M'' Joshua 
Moodey among us by Shutting the doore of Libertie for 
his ministry in his owne church att Portsmouth, wee doe 
earnestly desire that hee would Constantly exercise minis- 
try w"" o' Teacher among us, untill hee hath free and open 
libertie to returne to y"" againe, w'*' wee expresse as an Ex- 
planation of o' former vote, & o' mind y'in, 

" Voted unanimously as Attests, 

"James Allen, 
"John Wiswall."^ 

Moodey*\vas esteemed for other qualities besides 
those of a religious teacher. On Feb. 28, 1655, he 
was chosen Fellow of Harvard College, and in 1684 
(July 2), on the death of President Rogers, received an 
invitation to become his successor.^ In 1669, during 
his ministry at Portsmouth, he helped to raise ^60 a 
year for seven years to be applied to the erection of 
a new brick building at Harvard College, the old 
wooden one being small and decayed. The address 

1 His interesting account of the gathering of this church is copied from 
the original records in Alden's " Account of Religious Societies in Ports- 
mouth." Moodey was the first subscriber of the church covenant. 

- Church Records, 44. 

^ " In September the ' Overseers declared their consent to and approba- 
tion thereof; but 14 October, 'the Cofhittee appointed to treat ' with him 
' made return to the Overseers, That Mr. Moodey's answer was on the NEGA- 
TIVE.' " — Sibley's Harvard Gradtialcs, Vol. I. 375. 



I40 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

to the General Court, dated May 20, 1669, (undoubt- 
edly written by Moodey,) giving the result of the sub- 
scription and the reply thereto from that body, 
acknowledging the gift, may both be found in the 
colony records. 

In 1686 Charles Morton, pastor of the First 
Church in Charlestown, formed an association of 
ministers in imitation of one in Cornwall, England. 
Moodey was a member of this body, which met at 
the College once a month.^ Its primary object was 
" the promotion of the gospel and our mutual assist- 
ance and furtherance in that work ; " but matters of 
civil policy and government were often referred to 
them for advice. It was the custom at this time for 
the minister to preach a sermon to a condemned 
man, who was forced to give his attendance, and 
Thursday Lecture was appropriated for this purpose. 
On March 6, 1686, Moodey performed this dismal 
service in his " Exhortation to a Condemned Male- 
factor." 

" Edward Randolph says, Moodey was one of the 
' Five ministers of Boston who were in the Councill 
Chamber on the eighteenth of Aprill [1689], when 
the Goven"^ [Sir Edmund Andros] and myselfe were 
brought out of the Fort before them, writing orders, 
and were authors of some of their printed papers.' " 

' James Allen and John Bailey were also. members of this body, which 
discussed " Thirty important cases ; among others, ' Whether Instrumental 
Musick may be used by the Church of Christ in His Publick Worship and 
Service.' Resolved in the negative : I will not hear the melody of thy Or- 
gans." MS. in Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. See /^jj-/, Chap. VI. 



1G71-1710.] JOSHUA MOODEY. I4I 

In 1693 he returned to Portsmouth to resume the 
charge of his former parish, and ended his days as 
their minister in "usefulness, love, and peace." Cot- 
ton Mather — who preached his funeral sermon from 
Acts vi. 15 : " Looking steadfastly on him, they saw 
his face as it had been the -face of an angel " — says he 
died at Boston (where he went for medical advice) at 
Cotton Hill, being there on a visit, July 4, 1697, aged 
sixt3^-five. His days were probably shortened by 
overwork. In the manuscript journal of Rev. John 
Pike, a son-in-law of Moodey, and formerly minister 
of Dover, N. H., it is wTitten : "July 4, 1697, Mr. 
Joshua Moodey deceased of a wasting consumption 
at Boston, sab : day, little past 5 afternoon." 

A full account is extant of the trial and pun- 
ishment of Joshua Moodey at Portsmouth for re- 
fusal to administer the Lord's Supper in such form 
as was set forth in the book of Common Prayer. 
Previous to this proceeding against him, Moodey 
had aroused the ill-will of Governor Cranfield by 
calling a member of the church to account for false ^ 
swearing, and obliging him to make public con- 
fession before the church. The Governor, who, as 
was said, had already compromised the matter with 
the offender, and declined to allow any further pro- 
ceedings to be taken, determined to have his re- 
venge upon Moodey for his zeal in this direction.^ 

^ "The warrant of commitment, dated 6 February, 1683-4, commanded 
the Marshal to ' apprehend the body and person of Joshua Moodey, . . . and 
carry him to the prison on Great Island ; . . . and the prison keeper, Rich. 
Abbott,' was 'required to receive . . . and keep him in safe custody, in the 



142 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

In one of the letters which Moodey wrote during 
his imprisonment by Cranfield, tlie patient fortitude 
of the man is clearly shown. " The good Lord pre- 
pare poor New England for the bitter cup which 
is begun with us, and intended (by man at least) 
to go round. But God is faithful, upon whose 
grace and strength I beg grace to hang and hope." 
This letter he signed " Christ's prisoner and your 
humble servant." ^ After suffering about thirteen 
weeks' imprisonment, by the interposition of friends 
Moodey obtained a release, though under a strict 
charge to preach no more within the province, on 
penalty of further imprisonment. Previous to his 
coming to Boston in 1684, it had been decided at a 
town meeting in New Maven, on March 17, to in- 
said prison, — he having been convicted of administering the sacraments con- 
trary to the laws and statutes of England, and refusing to administer the 
sacraments according to the rites and ceremonies of the Church of England, 
and the form enjoined in the said statutes, — there to remain for the space of 
six months.' " 

The court which tried Moodey consisted of six members, four of whom 
were for a conviction and two for an acquittal. Of these four, Robie and 
Greene at first entered an acquittal, but were finally won over by Cranfield. 
" Not long after, Green repented, writes Moodey, and made his acknowledg- 
ment to the pastor, who frankly forgave him. Robie was excommunicated 
from Hampton church for a common drunkard, and died excommunicate, and 
was by his friends thrown into a hole, near his house, for fear of an arrest of 
his carcase. Barefoot fell into a languishing distemper whereof he died. 
Coffin was taken by the Indians, and his house and mills burnt, himself not 
slain, Jjut dismissed." — Sibley's Harvard Graduates, Vol. I. t,T2> "o^e. 

1 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., IV. 5. 

"About 20 March, 1683-4, while Moodey was in prison, he wrote to In- 
crease Mather : 'I lately rec^ two letters, one from the church of N. Haven, 
a 2'' from 3 magistrates there, in order to my removing thither ; & I may add 
a 3^' & 4'!' from Bros. Whyting & Collins to back their motion. But I am at 
present too fast fixed for moving.'" — Sibley's Harvard Graduates, Vol. I. 
375, note. 



1671-1710-] JOSHUA MOODEY. I43 

vite him to become their minister. His reason for 
declining this offer was because he still "felt bound 
to his former people, and would be as near as possible 
to them." 

In 1685 Cranfield, the Episcopal governor, left 
the country in disgrace, and Moodey had frequent 
intercourse with his Portsmouth flock until his final 
return, eight years later. His funeral at Boston 
was largely attended by ministers, magistrates, and 
others, and he was " interred in the tomb of the 
worshipful John Hull " in the Granary Burying 
Ground, the day before Commencement at Har- 
vard. Moodey was remarkable for his steady de- 
votion to all that pertained to his sacred calling. 
Such tasks as he performed, part of the time in 
the midst of so much having a tendency to distract 
his attention, seem almost incomprehensible. He 
left ninety-three manuscript volumes, containing 
four thousand and seventv sermons, makins: an 
average of two and one half a week for a period of 
thirty years. 

The success of his pastoral labors was wonderful, 
considering the many obstacles in his way. At 
Portsmouth, where his ministry was so interrupted, 
the number of admissions reached one hundred and 
sixty. But more worthy of remembrance than any- 
thing else, because so uncommon in those days, was 
his entire freedom from the witchcraft craze. Here 
again he suffered persecution, though in the end 
he was sustained in his course. One Philip Eng- 



144 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

lish, a well-to-do merchant of Salem, was impris- 
oned with his wife for w^itchcraft in Boston jail, 
through the intercession of friends, and because 
the former place afforded no further accommoda- 
tion. During the day they were allowed to go at 
large on bail, "on condition of their lodging in 
jail." Moodey was at Boston at the time, and deter- 
mined to set them free. With this purpose in mind 
he invited them to church, and preached from the 
text : " When they shall persecute you in one city, 
flee to another." Following up his sermon with 
some wholesome advice of a more private nature, 
he finally induced them to make good their escape. 
They succeeded in reaching New York, and there 
remained till the storm of persecution subsided. 
The service which Moodey performed on this occa- 
sion was gratefully remembered by the descendants 
of English in after days, but at the time so great 
was the displeasure which his conduct created that 
it is said to have caused his removal from Boston 
back to Portsmouth. 

" Moodey was twice married, and had several chil- 
dren." His first wife was probably a daughter of 
Edward Collins of Cambridofe, and sister of Rev. 
John Collins, of London. " His second wife was 
widow Ann Jacobs, of Ipswich, who survived him. 
One of his daughters, named Martha, married 
Rev. Jonathan Russell, of Barnstable, grandfather of 
Eleazer Russell, Esquire, of Portsmouth. Another, 
Sarah, the second daughter, married Rev. John Pike, 



1671-1710.] JOSHUA MOODEY. I45 

of Dover, N. H., several of whose children were 
baptized by their grandfather. The other daughter 
was Hannah, We do not learn that he had more 
than one son, Samuel, who was for several years 
a preacher at New Castle (Great Island)."^ Of 
the direct descendants in the male line of Wil- 
liam Moodey, the father of Joshua, fifteen have 
graduated at Harvard College, nine of whom be- 
came ministers. 

In his will Moodey left particular directions about 
avoidins^ the extravao^ance so common at funerals, 
and further directs that " if I die in Portsmouth, my 
body shall be laid in the burying place there, under 
the great stone, by the side of the oak, where I 
buried my first wife and the deceased children I had 
by her." 

According to Emerson,^ in 1684, "sixty-four per- 
sons were admitted to communion in this decade of 
years [while the church was under the sole care of 
Allen], thirty-nine of whom were females. During 
the same period seventy male and seventy-seven 
female children were baptized." 

We now enter upon a period of unusual disquiet. 
Andros, previously Governor of New York, came to 
New England in 1686, with a commission giving 
him almost unlimited authority. He early proved 
his hostility to the established system of churches, 
and manifested a strong preference for the Church 

' Sketches of the Moody Family, 48, 49. ^ History of First Church, 129. 

10 



146 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

of England. " The first Episcopal society in Bos- 
ton was formed this year/ and the service of the 
Common Prayer book introduced. This was ef- 
fected before the arrival of Andros. Randolph, who 
was active in forwarding the design, had suggested 
a contribution towards building an edifice for the 
church, but without effect. 

" Andros, on the day of his arrival, applied for the 
use of one of the churches in Boston. The minis- 
ters and leading laity, who were consulted on this 
occasion, agreed that they could not with good 
conscience consent to such a use of their meeting- 
houses.^ In the following spring w^iat had been 
withholden as a matter of right was taken by power. 
The Governor, after viewing the three churches in 
town, sent Randolph for the keys of the South meet- 
ing-house, that he might have prayers read there ; 
and without the consent and against the will of the 
proprietors, made use of their meeting-house for 
divine service."^ 

Emboldened by his success on this occasion, An- 
dros made further attempts to dislodge Congrega- 
tionalism and establish Episcopacy. It was provided, 
for instance, that no marriage should be legal unless 

1 The formation of the first Episcopal society took place June 15, 1686. 
The first meeting took place in the east end of the town-house (where the old 
State House stands). History of King's Chapel by Greenwood (1833), and 
by Henry W. Fodte (18S2). 

2 " Tuesday, Dec 21, 1686. There is a meeting at Mr. Allen's of y'^ Minis- 
ters, and four of each Congregation : 'twas agreed y' could not with a good 
Conscience consent y' our Meeting House should be made use of for y« 
Coiiion pray worship." — Sewall's Diary. 

8 Hutchinson, Vol. I. 420, note. Foote's History of King's Chapel (1SS2). 



1671-1710.] JOSHUA MOODEY. I47 

solemnized by an Episcopal minister. Not content 
with this, even, he abolished fasts and thanksgivines 
appointed by the court, and threatened to take away 
their meeting-houses. The proclamation of King 
James at last served to quiet the fears of the 
people. 

First Church "voted [Nov. 6, 1687] by the unanimous 
consent of the brethren y' An Addresse should bee drawne 
up To bee sent to his Majestic in y' names to Expresse y" 
humble Thankfullnesse for his gracious declaration of Lib- 
ertie to o' consciences and securing o' liberties. 

"James Allen. 

" Mr Chevers only mo y' It might bee knowne w' was 
writt, It was Answered y' was a libertie for any y' desired it 
to see it at my house, w*"'' satisfied. Aff w'' was the vote 
forementioned." ^ 

Matters at last came to such a pass, through 
the arbitrary course of the Governor, that Increase 
Mather was despatched to England to make per- 
sonal intercession with the kins:- The result of this 
mission was to bring things to a satisfactory issue. 
The abdication of James and the deposition of An- 
dros followed in rapid succession. Finally, the new 
charter was acceded to, and what threatened to be a 
serious revolt, if not rebellion, was averted. 

The church records at this date contain a mixture 
of church and what we should call corporate mat- 
ters. Some of the entries are interestins: as show- 
ing the good care that was taken of the ministers, 
as well as the peculiar way of providing for them. 

1 Church Records, 45. 



1^8 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

Thus, directly after a list of admissions for the year 
1690, appears the following: — 

" Sept. 24, 1690. Att a church meeting at the Teachers 
house was unanimously Voted, That M' Jeremiah Dummer, 
Capt. Pen Townsend, M'Tim : Thornton, doe assist the Dea- 
cons, acquaint y'" selvs vv"' the Church Treasure & use y' 
prudence for Supplies for the support of the officers w" Con- 
tribution is wanting for Preachers among y'" and particularly 
for wood for this yeere." ^ 

The following year a similar entry occurs, provid- 
ing ^10 a year for wood for the teaching ofiRcer. 
At this period the teacher of First Church had the 
use of the ministry house, a plentiful supply of wood, 
and forty shillings per week. The following entry 
shows with what strictness the Sabbath day was then 
observed : — 

"July 26. 91. Voted That each one will endeavo"" to 
p'vent pollution of the Lords day by any of y" familie, & 
y' they will shutt up shops before Sun downe on the Last 
day of the weeke And keep Y Children & servants w"'in 
doores, God assisting." ^ 

From 16S5 to 1692 the records show an increase 
of one hundred and ten members, of whom ninety- 
two are females ; also two hundred and fifteen bap- 
tisms, of which one hundred and eleven are females.^ 

The charter of Massachusetts was declared void 
in 1686, and for a period of five years there existed 
a kind of interregnum. In the year 1692, when the 

' Churcli Records, 52. ^ Ibid. 53. 

^ Emerson's History of First Church, 142. 



1671-1710.] JOSHUA MOODEY. I49 

witchcraft craze was at its height, the new or pro- 
vincial charter went into effect, destroying the con- 
trolling influence of the church in civil affairs/ 
The change which thus took place was important in 
another respect. The doors were now thrown open 
to liberty of conscience, hitherto entirely restricted. 
The only class against which oppressive measures 
were still in force was the Jesuit.^ In 1697, " while 
Stoughton was in the chair," we find a law of the 
province corresponding to the English law " against 
Jesuits and popish priests, and similar orders were 
passed in New York, prohibiting their residence in 
that colony ; alleging that they instigated the Indians 
to attack the English and all other Protestants." ^ 

In the year 1693 both John Bailey^ and Benjamin 
Wadsworth'^ were invited to assist "the present" 
teacher in the w^ork of the ministry. After the first 
invitation was extended to him, in November, 1693, 
Wadsworth continued to preach as a probationer 
simply until Sept. 8, 1696, "when he was inducted by 
the neighboring ministers, with a formality hitherto 
unpractised in the land ; ""^ and for a little more than 

1 Ante, Chap. III. 

2 Holmes's Annals, Vol. II. 5. 

3 Bradford's History of Massachusetts (1620-1820), 94 

* "July 17. Voted yt o"- Teacher doe invite M^ John Bayley to Assist him 
in Preaching constantly while among us 3 times in a month or oftner if hee 
please." — Chin-ck Records, 54. 

'^ " Voted this : Nov. 28. 93. At a meeting of the Church at my house 
unanimously y' o'' Teacher Invite M"' Wadsworth to assist him constantly once 
a month or any other vacancy in Preaching, & any other help hee shall judge 
needful!." — Ibid. 54. 

^ "Jan. 21. 96, Benjamin Wadsworth admitted a member. Aug 9. Voted 
anew a choice of M^ Wadsworth to teaching oftice. And 8 '> of September to 



150 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

a year, until the death of Bailey interrupted the 
union, the church remained under the care of three 
ministers. 

LIFE OF BAILEY. 

John Bailey was born, Feb. 24, 1643, near Black- 
bourn, in Lancashire, " of a very pious mother," who 
early trained him to " the service of the Lord." His 
father was a man of dissolute habits. When Bailey 
was but a child, his mother called the family together 
and made him offer prayer. Whereupon the youth- 
ful petitioner spoke with such effect as to turn the 
father from his evil ways and lead him into paths of 
righteousness. Bailey was taught grammar by Sagar, 
and the higher branches by the " famous Dr. Har- 
rison," and began preaching at twenty-two in the 
neighborhood of Chester. He afterward lived about 
fourteen years at Limerick, in Ireland, and there had 
great success as a preacher. He was offered prefer- 
ments, even a bishopric upon the first vacancy; but, 
like his predecessor Wilson, he spurned them all 
from a dislike to the requirements which they in- 
volved. 

He was twice imprisoned for non-conformity. 
The first time was in Lancashire jail, during his 
ministry at Chester ; the second was in Ireland. 
When before the judge on the latter occasion he 
said to him: — 

bee the day of ordination. 5 Neighbour churches voted to bee sent to, the 
North & South in Boston, Charlestowne, Dorchesf & Roxbury. Aug. 30. 
Voted that after M"' Wadsworth ordination hee shall bee declared a Pasto'' to 
this church." This vote was executed 8 Sept. 1696. Ibid. 56. 



1671-1710.] JOHN BAILEY. 15I 

" ' If I had been drinking and gaming and carousing at a 
tavern with my company, my Lords, I presume that would 
not have procured my being thus treated as an offender. 
Must praying to God and preaching of Christ, with a com- 
pany of Christians, that are as pecable and inoffensive, and 
serviceable to his Majesty and the Government as any of his 
subjects, must this be a greater crime?' The Recorder 
answered, ' We will have you to know it is a greater 
crime.'" 

For some time during bis imprisonment in Ire- 
land, his congregation daily visited him, dividing it- 
self into seven parts for this service. But finally a 
stay was put to these proceedings. At last, in order 
to regain his liberty, he was obliged to accept the 
required condition and leave the country. He was 
not permitted even to preach a farewell sermon, but 
subsequently wrote an earnest letter of advice and 
exhortation. 

John Bailey came to New England in 1684, with 
a younger brother, Thomas, who was also a minister. 
On his arrival at Boston, Bailey preached for Mr. 
Willard at the South Church, while the Watertown 
Church treated with him on the subject of a settle- 
ment. Judge Sewall has the following entries in his 
journal at this period : — 

"Thursday, March 12, 168 1. Mr. Jn" Bayley preach'd 
from Amos 4. 12, and Mr. Willard from 2 Cor. 4. 16, 17, 18. 
Both Sermons and Prayers excellent. In y° even 2 first 
staves of y*" 46"' PS. sung. (p. 2.) " Not a Sabbath-day, 
Sepf 20. Mr. Jn" Bayley preached w"" us all day: Mr. Wil- 
lard at Watertown." (p. 38.) " Fast-day, March 25, 1686. 
Mr. Willard exerciseth all day, Mr. Bayley being constrained 



152 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

to keep house by reason of y"" Gout" (p. 75.) " Mr. Jn" 
Rayley preaches his farewell sermon from 2 Cor. 13. 11, 
goes to Watertown this week, July 25, 1686." "July 28. 
A considerable Troop from Watertown come & fetch Mr, 
Bayley; some of ours also accompany them." (p. 89.) 

He was installed at Watertown, Oct. 6, 1686, as 
the fourth minister of the church. The ceremony 
of laying on of hands was omitted on this occasion.^ 
As Judge Sewall records it: "Mr. Bailey was not 
ordained as Congregational men are." 

His brother Thomas was soon after chosen assist- 
ant, but died within a year or two, at the age of 
thirty-five. In 1690, the year after the death of 
Thomas, Henry Gibbs was called to supply the va- 
cancy, and accepted the invitation, to take effect in 
November. Gibbs seems to have filled this place at 
intervals previous to a regular appointment, when the 
elder Bailey was perhaps suffering from illness. For 
some unknown reason, possibly on account of con- 
tinued ill-health, Bailey removed to Boston in 1692. 
The next year he was invited to become assistant at 
First Church. Here he stayed until the close of his 
life. 

His last days were attended with great suffering. 
He exercised great control over himself, however, 

1 The same omission took place at the installation of Charles Morton, 
who was settled over the First Church in Charlestown in 16S6. " 16S6, Nov. 5, 
Mr. Moodey in 's prayer [on that occasion] s'd, tho' that w'^'^ would have been 
gratefull to many (viz. laying on of hands) was omitted, or to that purpose." 
— Sewall's Joicrnal (Feb. 1684-5-1703), 97. 

See also Norton's letter to Hugh Boscawen, copied in Samuel Mather's 
Apology for the Liberties of the Churches in New England, 14S. The cere- 
mony was revived at the reordination of Bridge in T705. 



1671-1710.] JOHN BAILEY. 153 

and was full of confidence in a better world to come. 
To those of his people who came to New England 
with him, and attended at his bedside, he said, " I 
charge you that I find you all safe at last." At 
another time he was uneasy in his mind, but even 
then was able to say that " the Master hath done all 
things well." When his friends who were gathered 
round him began to weep, he reproved them, saying, 
"Away with your idols; away with your idols." 
Shortly before his last illness, his journal says, " I 
was affected with what I read of Mr. Shewel of Cov- 
entry, who died in the pulpit. Lord, let me not die 
meanly; but in dying, bring much glory to thee." 
He seems to have realized these last wishes, for his 
closing words were, " Oh, what shall I say .'' He is 
altogether lovely. Oh, all our praises of Him are 
poor low things ! His glorious angels are come for 
me." He died on Sunday, Dec. 12, 1697, at tlie age 
of fifty-three. In a sermon begun just before his 
fatal illness, but never finished, he used the text, 
" Into thy hand I commit my spirit." Cotton 
Mather preached his funeral sermon from the same 
words (Ps. xxxi. 5), on a very cold day (Thurs- 
day, December 16), in presence of a large com- 
pany. His body was interred in the Granary 
Burying Ground. 

The great characteristic of Bailey was forbear- 
ance, for which he had ample training. His preach- 
ing seemed to make a deep impression. John 
Dunton, the eccentric bookseller from London, says : 



154 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

" I heard him upon these words, ' Looking unto Jesus/ 
and I thought he spake hke an angeL" By nature 
sensitive, he never shrank from any duty, but served 
his people in a faithful and conscientious manner. 
He used to say: "Three things I desire to get; 
patience under the calamities of life, impatience 
under the infirmities of life, and earnest longings 
for the next life." Another of his earnest prayers 
was that " we may not be of the number of them who 
live without love, speak without feeling, and act 
without life." , 

The journal of John Baile}', begun in Ireland, and 
brought over with him to this country, contains some 
interesting entries. Besides his Irish experiences, 
there are notes of a domestic nature. He seems to 
have been worried by accounts, for in one place 
he exclaims : " I '11 proceed no further; it's enough 
to make a man mad to take notice of dayly ex- 
penses." 

The followins: is amono- his marriao'e records : 
" There was by the General Assembly sitting in 
October or November, 1692, an order made for Min- 
isters marrying, as well as Justices of the Peace, 
which hath encouraged me to do it at the impor- 
tunity of friends." Hutchinson says that " among 
our ancestors there was no instance of marriage 
by a clergyman during their charter; but it was 
always done by a magistrate, or by persons spe- 
cially appointed for that purpose, who were con- 
fined to particular towns or districts. If a min- 




^ eiiia^'*'^-^ Pf<Qiyt)cn^:^ 



1671-1710.] BENJAMIN WADSWORTH. 155 

ister happened to be present, he was desired to 
pray." ^ 

In a blank leaf of Bailey's book entitled " Man's 
Chief End to Glorifie God," presented to the Mas- 
sachusetts. Historical Society, there is the following 
memorandum respecting his descendants : " Now 
living of his offspring in Boston, Sarah Belknap 
and Abigail Willis, and three great-grandchildren, 
namely, Charles Willis, Jr., Nathaniel Willis, and 
Abigail Willis, May 28, 1771.'" 

John Bailey's widow became the second wife of 
Peter Thatcher, of Milton, Mass. 



LIFE OF WADSWORTH. 

Benjamin Wads worth, son of Samuel and Abigail 
(Lindall) Wadsworth, was born at Milton, Mass , in 
1669. His father was captain of a company of sol- 
diers, and distinguished for his bravery in Philip's 
War. The spot on which he fell in battle (at Sud- 
bury, Mass.), in 1676, is marked by a monument in 
memory of him, and of those who were slain with 
him, " erected by this (his seventh) son." ^ 

Benjamin graduated at Harvard in 1690, and three 

1 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, Vol. I. Chap. V. 444. 

2 " The names of Willis and Belknap mark a number of his posterity in 
the female line ; and there are now living two of his grandchildren, three 
great-grandchildren, and several of the fifth generation." — Emerson's Z^«- 
tory of First Church, 149. 

^ " In 1852 the town of Sudbury, with the assistance of the State, erected a 
more enduring monument, which was consecrated with appropriate solemnities, 
November 23 of that year. The inscription upon it gives April 18 as the 
date of the battle, but perhaps it would be more correct to call it the 21st." — 
N. E. Hist. aKd Geneal. Reg. (1S53), 17, 221. 



156 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

years later received the degree of M. A, He was 
the first minister of this church who was educated 
at the neighboring University. Soon after grad- 
uation the First Church in Boston invited him to 
preach once a month for three years, until his final 
appointment in 1696. 

Sept. 9, 1 712, he was chosen Fellow of Harvard 
College, and June 10, 1725, at the age of fifty-six, 
became the President. His inauguration took place 
on Commencement day, July 7, 1725. 

The following is an extract from his address on 
that occasion, in reply to the Lieutenant-Governor, 
who had invested him, as it were, with the robe of 
office : — 

" I thankfully acknowledge the respect shown me by the 
Reverend Corporation, especially by your Honour, and the 
Honoured and Reverend Overseers. I freely own myself 
unworthy of the honour to which I am called. But I think 
the call of Providence (which I desire to eye in all things) 
is so loud and plain that I dare not refuse it. I desire to 
have my whole dependence on the great God, my Saviour, 
for all the wisdom and grace needful for me in this weighty 
service. I hope, by his help, I shall show all proper alle- 
giance to our Sovereign Lord, King George, and obedi- 
ence to his laws in this Province, and endeavour to promote 
the same among all I shall be concerned with. I shall 
endeavour to take the best care I can of the College, direct- 
ing and ordering the members and affairs of it. according 
to the constitution, laws, and statutes thereof. I desire the 
earnest prayers of God's people, that the God of all grace 
would make me faithful and successful in the very great 
service I am called to." 



1671-1710.] BENJAMIN WADSWORTH. 



157 



After his dismissal from the ofHce of pastor, Wads- 
worth went to reside with his family at (Wadsworth 
House) Cambridge, and there continued until the 
day of his death, although, as will afterwards ap- 
pear, in frequent intercourse with his former charge. 
He is said to have filled his new office in a useful 
and sensible manner. Without being quite as bril- 
liant as his predecessor, Leverett, he betrayed at least 
no want of executive ability. He suffered a draw- 
back in a serious failure of health soon after his 
removal. But although he never fully recovered, 
he was enabled, during the rest of his life, by prudent 
management to perform his labors without much 
interruption. 

Wadsworth had a remarkable memory. He could 
quote from the Bible without reference, and was in 
the habit of preaching a carefully prepared sermon 
without the aid of the manuscript. It was perhaps 
owing to this remarkably retentive memory that his 
sermons, though clear, were apt to be rather diffuse. 
As a preacher he was " plain, practical, scriptural, 
and powerful," in doctrine thoroughly orthodox ; as 
a pastor he was diligent to serve, and compassionate 
for the sorrows of men, regularly giving a tenth of 
his income in charity. He died, March 16, 1737, 
at the age of sixty-seven, leaving a legacy to First 
Church. Appleton, Sewall, Wigglesworth, and Fox- 
croft preached sermons, and Flynt, the oldest tutor 
of Harvard College, delivered a Latin oration upon 
the occasion of his death. A widow (who was Ruth 



158 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

Boardman of Cambridge at the time of her marriage 
with Wadsworth), but no children, survived him. 

" During the four last years, ending with 1696, 
eio-hty persons of the congregation became com- 
municants, sixty-two of whom were females. One 
hundred and fifty-seven children were baptized with- 
in the same period, of whom eighty-three were boys." 

Six churches had been established in Boston by 
1698, besides Brattle Street, then just forming. 
They were : First Church, Second Church, Third 
or South Church, First Baptist, King's Chapel, and 
the Quaker Church, then in the neighborhood of 
Brattle Street, afterwards on Congress Street. 

The formation of Brattle Street Church was 
heralded by a manifesto or declaration, published 
in November, 1699, which gave great offence to 
the other Congregational churches. What would 
now be looked upon as intermeddling was then 
viewed only in the light of wholesome rebuke, jus- 
tified by the departure, in certain portions of the 
declaration, from the order of the gospel as rec- 
ognized by Congregational churches. The perusal 
of a letter in the Massachusetts Historical Library, 
dated Dec. 28, 1699, simply signed " Increase Mather 
and James Allen," addressed to Mr. Colman, with no 
other prefix, gives one an idea of the disfavor with 
which the manifesto was received. Both of the 
ministers at the same time, on behalf of all the 
churches, declined to unite in a public fast with the 
new society. 



1671-1710.] BENJAMIN WADSWORTH. 159 

At the close of the seventeenth century the ties 
which united the churches and the College were still 
very strong. By a then recent order of the General 
Court, every Congregational minister became an 
Overseer of the College, and in addition to this the 
President was always a minister of one of the 
churches. 

1700.] A new century finds Allen and Wads- 
worth in charge of the congregation. The former, 
though advanced in years, still clung to the discipline 
of the church. The following was entered by him 
on the church records : — 

"Feb. 10, 1 70 1. Whereas there is a Print lately come 
forth, dedicated to the churches of Christ in New England, 
entitled 'Gosple order Revived' ; wherein are harsh Expres- 
sions unmeet against the present practice of this church and 
the professed way of congregational churches therein ; wee 
doe herein declare o' utter dislike thereof, Tho wee doe 
not condemne those who conscientiously practise otherwise. 
And wee desire the Platforme of Church discipline may bee 
Reprinted, that those who are unacquainted with it may 
know it, w"'' is the directory of o'' practice, so far as it agrees 
with the word of God. Voted by a very full consent." ^ 

The old customs of New England churches, 
though fast fading out, still survived at this period. 
Excommunications were not uncommon at a much 
later date. A shadow of a distinction still existed 
between pastor and teacher, ruling elder and deacon. 
Puritanism in its spirit still held its own. From 1697 
to 1 704 one hundred and seventy persons were ad- 

^ Church Records, 59. 



l6o FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

mitted to the church, one hundred and one of whom 
were women. Two hundred and ninety-two children 
were baptized during the same period, one hundred 
and forty-eight of whom were males and one hun- 
dred and forty-four females/ 

Allen had orraduallv retired from active service 
the last few years, on account of advancing age ; 
though he died in office, as the senior pastor of the 
church. Thomas Bridge was ordained as assistant 
minister, May 10, 1705. The three Congregational 
churches in Boston, together with those in Roxbury, 
Dorchester, Charlestown, and Milton, were invited 
to take part in the ordination. Allen gave the 
charge, and laid on hands, together with Elder 
Bridgham and Elder Cope. The Revs. Increase 
Mather and Samuel Willard were also called upon 
to join in the latter ceremony.^ 

LIFE OF BRIDGE. 

Thomas Bridge was born at Hackney in 1656, 
and educated at Oxford. His family are said to 
have been very wealthy. Shortly after his birth oc- 
curred the Great Fire in London. That terrible 
conflagration swept away the family mansion and 
all the contents, except "one hamper of plate, of all 
their large possessions." Among other treasures the 
family records disappeared. His origin and ante- 
cedents, therefore, cannot be fully stated. After 

^ Emerson's History of First Cliurch, 151. 
2 Church Records, 99, 18S. 



1671-1710-] THOMAS BRIDGE. 161 

graduating at Oxford, Mr. Bridge travelled exten- 
sively in Europe and the East. During this tour 
events occurred which changed his views, and in- 
duced him, on his arrival in England, to study for 
the ministry and finally take orders. About the 
same time he married Miss Elizabeth Turner, the 
only child of a widow who married William Pat- 
erson, founder of the Bank of England. In his 
will dated " Westminster, London, July i, 1718," her 
stepfather says : " I give and bequeath to Elizabeth 
my daughter-in-law, only child to my first wife, 
Elizabeth Turner, relict of the late Thomas Bridge, 
minister of the gospel in New England, ^1,500." 
Mrs. Bridge was also made a residuary legatee under 
the same instrument. 

Before he came to New England to settle, Mr. 
Bridge led a wandering, yet useful life. After 
" some travels " to the Mediterranean, he visited 
the island of Jamaica, and there exercised in preach- 
ing ; thence to New Providence, as it was called, 
where he was in great demand for civil and clerical 
offices, and was considered the chief man among the 
residents; thence back again to the West Indies, 
where at the Bermudas, then visited by a terrible 
plague, he labored so faithfully as to produce twenty- 
nine sermons in one month. At tliis place, as at 
Providence and Barbadoes, they tried in vain to 
induce him to settle. 

His next removal was to West (New) Jersey ; but 
after a short visit, he declined an invitation to remain, 

II 



l62 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

and with his wife and four daughters came to Bos- 
ton, March 17, 1704. His wanderings ceased with 
the call from First Church in 1705, except that he 
was allowed to accompany the commissioners, in 
their journey to Port Royal, during the months of 
July and August, 1707. His degree of M. A. 
(H. C.) was conferred in 171 2. He died, Sept. 
26, 1 71 5, after a ministry of ten years in First 
Church, at the age of fifty-eight. " He made a 
sudden exit from the scene of his labors, leaving 
behind a name which is better than precious oint- 
ment, and four publications evincing his concern 
for the cause of righteousness and the welfare of 
mankind." 

Judge Sewall, in his diary, says : "1715,7'' 26. Be- 
tween II and 12, Mr. Bridge expires. The old 
Church, the Town, the Province have a great Loss. 
He was particularly dear to me. His Prayers and 
Sermons were many times Excellent ; not always 
alike. It may be this Lethargick Malady might, 
though unseen, be the cause of some Uneveness. 
The Lord help us duly to lay the death of this 
worthy person to heart ! We may justly fear he is 
taken away from Evil to Come, Isa. 57." Cooper 
speaks of him in his diary as " a man of much 
piety, devotion, love, humility, meekness, &c., and of 
great fidelity in the discharge of his office." His 
prayers were particularly impressive. Prayer was his 
gift, and the Bible his library. Rev. Dr. Colman 
preached his funeral sermon. He was buried in the 



1671-1710.J THOMAS BRIDGE. 163 

Cotton tomb in the Chapel Burying Ground, Sept. 
29, 1715. The church voted to take up a contribu- 
tion on October 9, to defray his funeral expenses. 
The amount- thus collected was one hundred and 
ten pounds, five shillings, and a penny ; the fun- 
eral charges came to about one hundred and four 
pounds. It was further ordered that the sum of 
four shillings a week be allowed Mrs. Bridge "for 
the present out of the Contribution Boxe." The 
statement which Savage and others make, that in 
early life Bridge was a merchant, is pronounced on 
good authority to be incorrect/ One of his descend- 
ants ~ says : " Mr. Bridge educated his daughters as 
though they were sons, and preparing for Oxford ; 
they were mistresses of the languages, painted on 
canvas and glass, were highly accomplished as 
needlewomen, and better educated generally than 
was common in Europe at this period. He was so 
strict on the Sabbath that they were not allowed to 
gather flowers or walk in the garden. He always 
had the shutters to the windows on the street closed 
on Sunday, that there should be no inducement to 
take their attention from graver and more impor- 
tant things." The names of these daughters were 
Elizabeth, Ellen, Lydia, and Copia. The second 
daughter, Ellen, "was born at the island of New 
Providence, Oct. i, 1688, married Joseph Marion, 
' Gentleman' " (who was the son of John Marion, Jr., 
deacon of First Church thirty-two years, from 1696 

1 Eliza (Story) White MS., infra. 2 ibid. 



l64 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1671-1710. 

to 1728), on Thursday, June 7, 171 1, and died Jan. 
20, 1745, in the fifty-ninth year of her age. Besides 
these daughters, he had an only son, Thomas Bridge, 
Jr., born Oct. 31, 1709, who died in infancy of small- 
pox, to the bitter grief of his family. On the occa- 
sion of his baptism, Mr. Bridge for the first time 
joined his wife's name with his own on the church 
record, thus testifying to the importance of the event. 
The descendants of Bridge in the female line by the 
names of Marion and Story have been connected 
with the church, at different periods, down to the 
present time.^ 

Various meetings were held in the year 1 709, at 
the house of Mr. Wadsworth, to determine what 
should be done about buying some land for the use 
of the ministry. The church, not being in funds 
at that time, and being apprehensive of another pur- 
chaser, prevailed upon Jeremiah Dummer to buy the 
house and land owned by Captain John Balston on 
Water Street in his own name for ^300, and retain 
possession until the church should be able to reim- 
burse him for a transfer of the property. No sooner, 
however, had they bought the property, than, finding 
it inconvenient for the special purpose to which it 
was to be applied, the church " Voted " to sell " Said 
House and Land, w"" the Land since added thereto 

1 This account of his family and antecedents is taken from the Eliza 
(Story) White MS., now in the possession of her daughter Mary B. Pratt, who 
has contributed from this and other sources much trustworthy and original 
matter for the foregoing account of her ancestor. 



1671-1710.] BRIDGE AND WADSVVORTH. 165 

by Grant from the Town, and apply the proceeds for 
the erection of a convenient suitable House for the 
use of the ministry on the Church Land known by 
the name of Hollingshead's Lott." ^ 

" During the six years ending in 17 10 twenty-four 
men and sixty-six women had been admitted into 
the church. In the same period the number of bap- 
tisms was two hundred and two, one hundred and 
thirteen males and eighty-nine females." ^ 

1 " This lot is the land since occupied by Chauncy Place Church, and the 
adjoining block, of houses in Summer Street belonging to the society ; and the 
house erected in 17 10 was the one in which Drs. Chauncy and Clarke died, 
and which was taken down in 1S07." — 'Eukkso'H's History of First Church, 

155- 

Besides the Hollingshead lot, the church at this time owned a piece of 
land near what was once Fort Hill, and also a portion of the island of Great 
Chebacco in York County, on what is now the coast of Maine. Church 
Records, 100. 

2 Emerson's History of First Church, 157. 



CHAPTER V. 

1711-1785. 

THOMAS BRIDGE, BENJAMIN WADSWORTH, THOMAS 
FOXCROFT, CHARLES CHAUNCY, JOHN CLARKE. 

Burning of House of Worship of First Church. — Sympathy and Aid 
from Brattle Street Church. — Building of New House. — Terms of 
Church Communion. — Old Account-Book. — Expenses of Build- 
ino-. — Seaters of the Congregation. — Who may occupy Pews. — 
Debt on the Building. — " Despair "of the Parsonage. — Admissions 
to Communion. — Call of Foxcroft. — His Lineage. — His Opposi- 
tion to Episcopacy. — Support of the Ministry. — Weekly Contribu- 
tions. — Call of Chauncy. — His Opposition to the Revivalists. — 
Controversy with Episcopalians. — His Book on Universal Salva- 
tion. — John Clarke appointed. — Chauncy's Mind and Character. 
— Great Earthquake. — Reading of the Scriptures in the Church. — 
Introduction of Choirs. — War of the Revolution. — Thursday Lec- 
ture. — Sketch of John Clarke's Life. — His Doctrine. — His 
Sudden Death. 



T" 



'HE disagreement between First Church and 
Brattle Street on account of the pubHcation 
of the manifesto by the new society is said to have 
scarcely outlived the close of the century. Whether 
this be strictly accurate or not, it is certain that if 
any vestiges of the dissatisfaction survived to the 
present period, they were entirely dissolved by the 
aid and sympathy which the new church extended 
to the old on the occasion of the great fire of 1711. 



17H-S5.] BRIDGE AND WADSWORTH. 167 

" In addition to the Town-House, the Meeting- 
House where the ffirst Church of Christ in Boston 
used to worship God was utterly co?zsu7ned by jire^ 
which began in a building belonging to Cap'" Epraim 
Savage ; it was generally said & concluded to ^e 
occasioned by one Mary Morse, being in drink." ^ 

The church passed various resolves on this occa- 
sion, thankfully accepting the offer of South and 
Brattle Street societies to make use of their meeting- 
houses, while they set about building a new one of 
brick. At the same time they fixed upon " Tues- 
day come sev'night [Oct. 9, 171 1, O. S.], as a Day 
of Solemn ffasting & prayer, on the account of 
the destruction of their meeting-house, & their dis- 
persion occasioned by fire ; " and appointed Elisha 
Cook, Isaac Addington, Elisha Hutchinson, Esq., 
James Gootch, and Samuel Bridge a committee to 
consider plans for a new meeting-house. The en- 
tries just referred to are dated Tuesday, Oct. 2, 
171 1. In the same month Mr. Colman, minister 
of Brattle Street, writes: "Our church invited the 
pastors of the First Church to preach with us in 
turns every Sabbath, and to join in the administra- 
tion of ordinances. To which they, with their 
church, consented, and continued with us till May 
the 4"', 1 713, when they took their leave of us with 
a very grateful letter, read publicly by me to our 
congregation, and went into their own house." ^ 

1 Church Records, loi, and Preface to Wadsworth's Sermon in 1713. 

2 Lothrop's History of Brattle Street Church, 61. 



l68 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [\7\1-85. 

The letter of invitation from Brattle Street was as 
follows : — 

Boston, Octot"' 12, 17 11. 
Rev° S'^^, — I think it meet to acquaint you that hav- 
ing stay'd our church the last evening after the Pubiick 
exercises of Worship, there past unanimously the following 
votes : — 

1. That yourselves be desired, under the present awfuU 
Providence, & till it shall please God y' y' meeting-house 
be rebuilt, statedly & alternately to be & assist w"' us in 
the carrying on the worship of God among us. 

2. That out of the contribution weekly collected, t/iree 
pounds be paid you every week. 

3. That you be desir'd, if it may be, for the time you 
continue w"' us, to joyn w"" me in an equal administration 
of all Ordinances, in particular Baptism and the Lord's 
supper. 

S'% These our desires wee accompany w"' our thankfull 
acknowledgments of that good spirit of Brotherly affection, 
wherein you have come among us, & wherewith you have 
so kindly accepted our bounden Christian Respects. Wee 
also ask a further interest in your Love & prayers, & 
hope it will please God to make your presence and labours 
with us, from time to time, abundantly serviceable to his 
own glory & our spiritual Good. 

Rev'' S", Your unworthy Bro' in the Ministry of Christ, 

Benj' Col.man. 

The letter and vote of the South Church were 
as follows : — 

Boston, Octo'^'^ 12, 171 1. 

Rev'' Gentlemen, — The Church of Christ which y" stand 
related to, having considered the present dispersion of your 
flock, thro the holy hand of God, in the late desolation of 
y' meeting-house, thought it a proper & necessary expres- 
sion of their Christian love & Regards to yourselves & 



1711-85.] BRIDGE AND WADSWORTH. 169 

flock to pass the Votes, a coppy of w"''' I now send you, ac- 
cording to their desire, w"'' you may communicate to your 
church if you think proper. The Votes were passed 
w"' the greatest unanimity & readiness. It will be to the 
last degree pleasing to us to have the advantage of your 
gifts & graces in every article desired. The last Vote, 
w''' invites you to administer the special Ordinances w"' us 
in your turn, we hope will be agreeable to your Church ; 
for sure we are it is a point of fellowship w'"'" is Justifiable 
by the first & stricktest principles of these churches. 

The alwise God has holy ends w"'' he is carrying on by 
the present dark dispensation your people are under; and 
if it may but be serviceable to advance the spirit of Christ 
in this Towne, whereby we shall be better qualifyed for 
the society of the Assembly of the First born above, wee 
shall all have reason to bless & adore the Holy Providence 
of Heaven. 

May our gracious God speedily & peaceably repair your 
desolations, building up and beautifying your church w"' 
greater measures of his Holy Spirit; may all under your 
charge be your Crown and joy in the day of Christ. This, 
Rev*^ Brethren, shall be allwayes the prayer of 

Your affectionate Brother, 

Eben" Pemberton. 

Att a meeting of the Church in the South part of Bos- 
ton, Octo"' 7"\ It was Voted That the Rev^ M' Bridge & 
M' VVadsworth, Pastors of the fiirst Church in Boston, be 
desired, during the present dispersion of their fiflock, to 
carry on alternately one halfe of the work of preaching in 
this Congregation. 

That the Deacons of this Church make the same weekly 
alloivance to them for this service that they do to our own 
Pastor. 

That the Reverend M' Bridge & M' Wadsworth be de- 
sired, also, to take their turns in the Administration of 
Baptism & the Lord's supper with us. 

Eben" Pemberton 



170 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [171 1-85. 

In response to these invitations, First Church re- 
quested the " Rev'' Elders, in the name of the church, 
to render thanks to the Rev'^ M' Pemberton & Mr. 
Cohiian, & to their Churches, for their kind re- 
spects to us in their several letters of this Date." ^ 

" Whether in the Third or Fourth Church the 
congregation mostly worshipped is unknown. Mr. 
Wadsworth preached the Sunday after the confla- 
gration in the Third Church ; and the sermon de- 
livered, together with the one last preached in the 
church consumed, and the first preached in the Old 
Brick, were published in a small volume, a copy of 
which is in the Theological Library." ~ 

The following memoranda appear on the church 
records : " The old meeting-house" was burned Oc- 
tober the 2^ 171 T. The new meeting-house was 
occupied for the first time May 3'^, 1713."^ The 
work of building tliis house was prosecuted with 
great vigor. On Friday, Oct. 12, 171 1, it was de- 
cided that the building should be of brick. This 
vote did not pass without " much debate and some 
difficulty. Deacon Tay and William Griggs having 
withdrawn without leave " before it was taken. At 
the same meeting a building committee, consisting 

1 Church Records, 102, 103. 

'■^ The Mass. Hist. Soc. Library contains an imperfect copy. 

3 Very little is known about the appearance of this building, except 
that it was made of wood. The following is all that is contained on the 
church records with regard to it: " Jan. 12, gj, Voted, yt o'^ Two Deacons, 
w '■ o'' brother Bridge, bee Assisting in judging of the convenience of making 
a middle door at the North side, and shutting up the two corner doors, and 
about a porch to the easte side." p. 54. 
* Church Records, 104. 



171 1-85-] BRIDGE AND WADSWORTH. 171 

of " Cap'" Jo" Ballantine, Deacon Marion, & Capt. 
Wadsworth,"^ and a committee of ten to obtain 
subscriptions towards the charge of a new meeting- 
house, were appointed. The committee chosen on 
October 2 to consider " Dimentions and models " 
(plans) for a new meeting-house, " Reported, That 
on due consideration and Advisement thereon, They 
are of Opinion the house to be seventy-two feet long, 
fifty-four feet wide from out to out, and thirty four 
feet High up to the Plate." The report was ac- 
cepted, with permission given at the same time to 
vary either of the dimensions a loot or two, " if the 
committee should see cause upon further advise- 
ment."^ It was then voted "to send to England 
for a Bell for the meeting-house, or otherwise to 
procure one here, at the churches risque." 

In spite of their scattered condition, the church 
was not unmindful of what was due to their welfare 
as a worshipping body of Christ. 

" Att a Church Meeting, ffeb^ 2(f, i/jj, The following 
Proposals were voted Att the School House: ffirst Church 
in Boston Proposed To the Rev'' Elders, That when persons 
desire Admission into y*" church they be examined of their 
knowledge 

" Of the Nature of a Church, 

" of y^ Ijistitiition of Ordinances & Officers, 

^ The building committee was afterwards increased to five in number; 
and, Mr. Wadsworth declining the appointment, three more were added to 
the original members, namely, Mr. William Welstead, Mr. James Gooch, and 
Mr. W^illiam Hutchinson. Church Records, 104. 

- The same committee was requested " to obtain an enlargement of the 
Ground (if it may be) for raising the Meeting-House on, so that the House 
may stand in length facing towards the street." Church Records, 104. 



172 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85. 

" of y^ Authority & Rule given by Christ to the Elders, 

" of y*" duty & Privilege of y" Brotherhood. 

" This to be summarily communicated to the church, to- 
gether w"'- y" Relation & Belief of y" party desiring 
Admission. 

" That no objection be made to the Receiving of any per- 
son professing fifaith in y^ L*^ Jesus Christ, Repentance of 
sin, & having a measure of scriptural knoivledge of the 
Order & Government appointed by Christ in his Church. 

"■ AltJio he have not the persuasion ivhich others possibly 
may profess, about some particulars that are matter of dis- 
pute among leai'ned, Pious, & Holy men.'' 

The corner-stone of the New (afterwards the Old) 
Brick was laid June 25, 171 2. While the new 
meeting-house was building, some of the children 
were baptized at Brattle Street and some at the 
"South Meeting House." In the year 171 2 the 
Election Sermon, which hitherto had been preached 
in First Church, was delivered in the " South 
Meeting-House," by Mr. Samuel Cheever, of Mar- 
blehead. 

The following extracts are from an old " Journal " 
of the society, " being the first Book opened on re- 
building the Meeting-House, Dec', 171 1." This 
book, still in excellent preservation, contains " the 
original rules respecting the pews and seats," and a 
full list of subscribers to the building account. 

Besides subscriptions from members of the church 
itself, there are handsome gifts from private persons, 
not members, and from the following societies, 
namely, " South Church, Eben. Pemberton, Pastor ; 




THIRD HOUSE OF WORSHIP: "THE OLD BRICK." 
Site of Joy's Building, Washington Street, 

1713- 



1711-85.] BRIDGE AND WADSWORTH. 173 

North Church, Messrs. Mathers, Pastors ; Brattle 
St., Benj"* Cohnan ; French Church, Mons' Dallia ; 
Church of England, by Gen. Francis Nicholson ; 
Roxbury Church, Nehemiah Walter, Pastor ; from 
his Excellency, Gov. Dudley." 

Sabbath day, May 3'', 1713, first mett in y*" New Brick 
meeting house. ^ The first sermon preached in y" fore- 
noon by y*" Rev'^ M' Benj* Wadsworth, from those words 
in y" 2'^ of Haggai : 9. verse. The glory of this latter 
house shall be greater then the former. The afternoon by 
the Rev'^. M' Thomas Bridge, from those words in y" 26. 
Psalm. 8. Lord, I have loved the habitation of thy house, 
and the place where thine honour dwells. 

Att a Meeting of the first Church of Christ In Boston on 
Decem' 14''' : 171 1, — 

Voted, That M' Jeremiah Allen be Treasurer (M' Elia- 
kim Hutchinson formerly chosen declining y' Service) for 
the Receiving and paying out of the money that shall be 
Raised & Collected for building of the Meeting House, 
and that he answer the Draughts of the Committee for 
y*" worke or the Major part of them. 

A True Coppy of whats on file. 

Tho. Bridge, > „ 

\ r^ixstoVS 

Benjamin Wadsworth, 5 

At a Meeting of the Church, April 2^, 1713, — 
Voted, That D' Cook, Coll" Hutchinson, M' Addington, 
M' Eliakim Hutchinson, Coll° Townsend, Deacon Marion, 

1 It was called the New Brick until the New North was built in 1714; 
then it became the Old Brick. Church Records, 105. 

" The only durable relick of the Old Brick is deposited " in the cellar of 
the present meeting-house. " It is a thick piece of slate stone, about two 
feet long, which was taken from under a window, in the second story, on the 
south side of the Church. It contains, in two lines, the following record : — 
BVRND To ASHES, OCToBr 3, 171 1. 
REBVILDING, June 2Sth, 17 12." 



174 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85- 

M' Wellsteed, M' Jeremiah Allen, M' Gooch, be Seators of 
the New Meeting house now built, & that it be left to their 
prudence and discretion to dispose of seats and Pews as 
they shall think will be most for the good and wellfare of 
the Church and Congregation. 

A True Coppy of whats on file. 

At a Meeting of the Old Church in Boston, Decem"" ii'\ 
1 7 14, M' Treasurer Allen haveing exhibited an Account of 
Receipts & Payments, and desireing that a Committee may 
be appointed to Audit y" same, — 

Voted, That Cap' Green & Cap' Wadsworth be a Com- 
mittee to examine M' Allen's Accounts, & make report to 

y" Church. 

True Coppy, p THOMAS FOXCROFT. 

1 7 13, April f^ : At a Meeting of the Committee ap- 
pointed for the Regulateing and dispossing of the Seats and 
Pews in the new Built Brick Meeting house by and for the 
first Church and Congregation in Boston. 

Present : 
Mess'" Elisha Cooke, Decon John Marrion, 

Elisha Hutchinson, William Welsteed, 

Isaac Addington, Jeremiah Allen, 

Eliakim Hutchinson, James Gooch. 

Penn Townsend, 

Upon Consideration had of what we Judge most for the 
present and future good and wellfare of the said Church 
and Congregation, And for y" better Accomodating of 
the Constant Auditory, as well as others of y^ neighbour- 
ing Congregations in the Town, and persons from other 
Townes, that shall attend the Worship of God in the said 
House at the Weekley Lecture, and upon Other Occasional 
solemnityes, — 

We have Unanimously Agreed and Accordingly do Es- 
tablish the following Generall Rules and Regulations, 
That is to say, — 



171 1-85-] BRIDGE AND WADSWORTH. 175 

1. That no Seat or Pew shall be appropriated to any 
Particular person or family, but such as at present are or 
hereafter shall be of the Constant auditory & Contrib- 
utors to y" support of the Ministry. 

2. That It be recommended to and is Accordingly Ex- 
pected of the Proprietors of Pews that, upon Lecture days 
and other Occasional Solemnityes, they receive and Ac- 
commodate soe many strangers, or of their particular 
Friends invited to take a seat with them, that the Pews 
may be Conveniently filled, 

3. That no Seat or Pew appropriated to any Person 
shall be Transferred or Disposed of by such person to an- 
other without the Approbation & Allowance of the Com- 
mittee for the time being, first had for the same. 

But upon the Death or other removal of the Proprietor 
shall be in the Disposition of the Committee upon repay- 
ing to such Proprietor, his Executor or Adminisf, the first 
Cost and Charge by him disbursted of the making & 
Setting up of such Pew. 

Unless, Where any of the family or Successors of the Pro- 
prietor removed as aforesaid are or shall be of the 
Constant Audience, or Contributors to y*" Support of the 
Ministry not less than fifty-two shillings p. annum, To be 
paid Quarterly: In which case they shall have and Enjoy 
the Priviledge of Such Pew, & in their absence y" Com- 
mittee to place suitable persons therein on the sabbath 
dayes. 

4. That Each Person of the Constant Auditory who hath 
Contributed, or shall Contribute, the Sum of sixty Pounds 
or upwards towards the charge of Building the said House 
may have the Priviledge of a Pew, paying only five Pounds 
for the makeing and setting up the same. The rest of the 
Pews to be Disposed to such Persons and on such Terms 
as the Committee and they shall agree. 

5. That all Persons keep the seat and places assigned 
them by y^ Committee, and remove not to any other seat 



176 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON, [1711-85. 

or place without y" Committees appointment. That so 
Order and Decency may be Observed. 

6. That all vacancys in seats from time to time hapen- 
ing be in y'' Disposition of the Committee only, to be filled 
up by them. 

7. That the names of the Persons, Contributers to the 
Charge of Building the House, and the Sums by them 
rcspectivly paid thereto, be Registered in the Book kept 
by the Committee for the Carrying on of that worke, of 
the Accompts of the Cost thereof. As also a Registry to 
be made therein of the Disposition -of y^ Pews, to whome, 
and the sum paid by Each Person for the same. 

A True Coppy. 

(Signed) Elisha Hutchinson; 

E" Hutchinson, 
Penn Townsend, 
J^. Marion, 
W" Welssteed, 
Jer. Allen, Jr., 
James Gooch. 

Att a Meeting of y' Comittee this 18* March, 17 16-17, 
It is unanimously agreed, Pursuant to y" order above, 
the fifty-two shillings to be paid p. annum Quarterly (by 
y" successors of any proprietors (of any Pew) that shall 
be removed by death or otherwise) be paid unto y"" Dea- 
cons of y*" Church. 

By order of y" Comittee, 
(Signed) Jer. Allen, Jr. 

March 23^ 1713. Church Meeting at y'' House of 
y^ Reverend M' Bridge. The Committee appointed to 
Oversee the Building of the New Meeting house Ac- 
quainted the Church, That it had been represented to 
them there is an Arrear yet to be paid toward the charge of 
building the Ministry House in which M' Bridge lives ; as 
also That the Ministry House wherein the Rev'' M' Wads- 



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I7II-85.] 



BRIDGE AND WADSWORTH. 



177 



worth lives is in Despair, and wants some necessary Repa- 
rations and Amendments to make it Tenantable and 
comfortable ; Whereupon they had viewed the s'^ House, 
and taken y" advice of Workmen about the same, and made 
a Computation that it will demand One hundred and seventy 
Pounds to make y^ Necessary Reparations and amend- 
ments of the said House, and to Discharge the arrear for 
M' Bridges House. 

Reporting likewise That they well hoped when y" Ac- 
compts of y*" Charge for the Meeting House are made up 
there will remain an Overplus of the money Contributed 
to that use. 

Voted, That the said Overplus be applyed to y" uses 
afores'' of the ministry Houses. 

Voted, That what that Overplus shall fall short, the 
Church will make up what is wanting when it shall appear, 
by the Acco" of the charge of the ministry Houses, how 
much will be needed. 

Tryall Ballance. Dr. Contra. Cr. 

£ s. d. 
To New Brick Meeting ^ Cash .... 

house 3849 oS I ^ Subscriptions . . 

To Henry Dering ... 20 00 o 1? John Eustas . . 

To James Taylor . . . 10 00 o ! l^J" Dolbear & Jackson 

To John Gary 16 i o ; l^ Samuel Lyne, Esq'' 



To Ministerial! house, Mi- 
Bridge 20 

To Ministeriall house, M"- 
Wadsworth 354 



5 4 



4269 14 5 



t^' Benjamin Eustas 



£ 


s. d. 


32 


I ID 


4197 


5 3 


3 


ID 04 


27 


00 00 


3 


17 00 


6 


00 00 



4269 14 05 

Boston, Decem'' 27"', 1715. 
Wee, the Subscribers, being appointed by a vote of the 
first Church in Boston, bareing date the 23"" of March, 
1713-14, to be Audittors to Examin the Accompts of 
Jeremiah Allen, Treasurer to the Stock for the Building 
the New. Brick Meeting house. Have accordingly Exam- 
ined the same, & find the receiveings of Subscriptions 
amounting to forty-one hundred fifty-one Pounds four 

12 



178 



FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. 



[171 1-85. 



Shillings and three pence to be right cast, & the Pay- 
ments thereof amounting unto Three thousand Eight hun- 
dred forty-nine Pounds Plight Shillings & one penny, 
being y" Cost of the Brick meeting house, w"'" payments 
are all vouch't & cast up right. And by the desire and 
request of the said Treasurer Allen have Examined the 
Accompt of Twenty Pounds in Arreares to the house be- 
longing to said Church, wherein y' Rev'' M' Thomas 
Bridge, late one of the pastors of said Church, did dwell. 
As alsoe y^ Accompt of y" repaires of the Churches house, 
wherein y" Rev'' M' Benj" Wadsworth now dwells. Amount- 
ing to Three hundred fifty-four Pounds five Shillings and 
four pence, to be vouchers fory" same & right cast. 



Jyrk/c Alet'ting House. Dr. 

£ s.d. 

To ye Cost of y^ Brick 

meeting house . . . 3849 8 i 
To y^ rest in Stock in y« 

Treasurers hands . . . -;oi 16 2 



4151 4 3 



Contra. Cr. 

£ s.d. 

Subscription rec' . . . 4151 4 3 



Church. Dr. 

£ s. d. 

To M"- Bridge's house . . 20 o o 

To W Wadsworth's house 354 5 4 



374 5 4 



(Signed) 



Contra C R. 

£ s. d. 

t)^ y'^ above Ballance . . . 301 16 2 
li)' Ball, due to Jeremiah Al- 
len, Treasur', to clear debt 72 92 

374 5 4 

Henry Bering, 
John Legg. 



" In the five years ending with 171 5, one hundred 
and forty-six persons were admitted to communion, 
ninety-six of whom were females. During the same 
time eighty-six boys and ninety-six girls were 
publickly baptized."^ 

Early in the year 171 7 Thomas Foxcroft, a young 

1 Emerson's History of Eirst Church, 165. 



I7U-85-] THOMAS FOXCROFT. 1 79 

man not yet of age, was invited to preach once a 
week as assistant to the present pastor. His reply 
accepting the offer of settlement, made March 6, 
1 716-17, considering the youth of the writer, is per- 
haps worth transmitting in full ; — 

Cambr., Mar. 23, 1716/7. 
To y" old 07' first c/uirch of Christ in Boston : 

Reverend, Hon°, and Beloved, — It hath pleased 
y^ great Head of y" Church (who turneth y' hearts of his 
people as y' Rivers of waters, and doth wondrous things 
which none can search out y° reasons of) to Incline you 
to make choice of so unfit a Person as myself to settle in 
y- office of a Pastor to y' Flock. I am deeply sensible how 
unworthy I am of y" dignitie, — how every way unequal to 
y" duties of y' holy function, the high calling w^'' is of 
God, excellent and difficult. As Indeed who is sufficient 
for these things, of y" selves? But our sufficiencie is of 
God. Plumbly therefore depending upon y" grace of our 
Lord Jesus christ, without whom we can do nothing ; as 
having good hope in y' sweet and precious promise (Mat. 
28. 20), Lo, I am with you allway to f end of y' zvorld, I 
do now with all Gratitude and Humilitie accept your call 
as y" voice of God ; and do solemnly promise and resolve 
(if y- Lord permit, and account me worthy, putting me 
into y' Ministry) to make it y" Grand Study & Imploy- 
ment of my life to preach y" unsearchable riches of Christ 
UNTO YOU, according to y- commandment of y^ ever- 
lasting Gospel, for y'- obedience of faith, for y- Perfecting 
of y^ Saints, for y" edifying y' Body of Christ, so long as 
it shall please God to continue me among you ; y* y" might 
know y" love which I have more abundantly to you all. 
And now under a just view of the Importance, weight, and 
Difficultie of y'' awfuU work of watching for souls, & feed- 
ing y" Flock of Christ, I beseech you, Brethre", y' ye strive 



l8o FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85- 

(together with me) in your prayers to God for me, y' those 
Gifts and graces may be multiplied upon me, in y" Dili- 
gent exercise whereof I may approve myself a ready 
Scribe, well Instructed to the Kingdom of God, and fur- 
nished to every good work ; y' I may Come unto you with 
Joy by y" Will of God, and may with you be refreshed ; 
that I may find mercie to be faithfull to y^ Interests of 
Gods Glory, and be wise to win souls ; y' my service may 
be accepted of y" saints, and y' I may be unto God a sweet 
savour in Christ, y^ so I may give up my Account w"' Joy 
to y'^ chief Shepherd at his Appearing ; and y" Lord grant 
unto us all y' we may find mercie of y Lord in y' day. 
I am Your Affectionate Friend & Servant, 

Thomas Foxcroft. 

After his dismissal from the church in Cambridge 
Foxcroft was admitted a member of First Church, 
Oct. 27, I 71 7, and ordained to the office of pastor, 
November 20. The following ministers took part in 
the ceremony : " Dr. Cotton Mather began y*" exer- 
cise with prayer; Mr. Foxcroft preach'd from Coll. i. 
28, 29; Mr. Colman pray'd after sermon ; Dr. In- 
crease Mather, Dr. Cotton Mather, Mr. Colman, Mr. 
Sewal were desired with our Pastor Wadsworth to 
Impose hands; Mr. Wadsworth gave y^ charge, pray- 
ing both before and after it; Dr. Increase Mather 
gave y^ right hand of fellowship. The whole affair 
was manag'd peaceably and quietly ; I think there 
was much of God appearing in y^ matter ; and I pray 
y' it may be followed with long and rich blessings." 
Mr. Foxcroft was not quite one-and-twenty years 
old when thus ordained.^ 

1 Church Record ■, loS. 



171 1-85-] THOMAS FOXCROFT. l8l 

LIFE OF FOXCROFT. 

Thomas Foxcroft was a grandson of Daniel Fox- 
croft, Mayor of Leeds, Co. York, in 1666, member 
of the Artillery Company in 1679, and imprisoned 
in April, 1689, as an adherent of Andros, "yet does 
not seem to have suffered permanent unpopularity." 
He was a son of Colonel Francis Foxcroft, warden 
of King's Chapel in 16S9, 

His mother was Elizabeth Dantforth, dauohter of 
Governor Dantforth. The children of Francis and 
Elizabeth were Francis, born Jan. 26, 1685 (H. U.), 
1712, and Thomas (the subject of this notice), born 
Feb. 26, 1697 (H. U.), 1 7 14. 

" Thomas w^as intended by his father for an Epis- 
copal clergyman ; " but after mature deliberation, 
and consulting with the Rev. Nehemiah Walter of 
Roxbury, a man of great intellectual force, the son 
at last determined to follow in the footsteps of his 
mothers family. 

After studying theology for about three years, he 
received his invitation to preach in First Church 
with a view to a settlement. Although a mere 
youth when called upon by that society to assist 
Wadsworth, he showed no lack of ability to assume 
the trust. When the senior pastor removed to 
Cambridge, in 1725, he was left for two years as 
the only settled minister of the congregation. 
After Chauncy became associated with him in 
1727, no change took place for forty-two years. 



jS2 first church in boston. [1711-85- 

During their joint ministry the raost perfect har- 
mony prevailed between them. Although holding 
opposite views on the subject of religion and revi- 
vals, no variance ever arose between them at any 
time. Each allowed the other to express his 
thoughts as fully and freely as if they were in en- 
tire accord. 

When the Episcopalian controversy broke out, 
Foxcroft, as might be expected from early training 
and associations, took an unusual interest in the 
result. As a contribution in opposition to the pro- 
posed establishment he wrote, in 1729, a " treatise 
characterized by uncommon vigor, which at the 
time attracted great attention, entitled ' The Ruling 
and Ordaining Power of Congregational Bishops or 
Presbyters Defended.' " 

His sympathy with Whitefield in his attempts to 
promote a revival called forth a sermon, which was 
published in 1740, "occasioned" (as he says) by the 
labours and visits of Mr. Whitefield ; and in 1745, 
an " Apology " in his behalf.^ To this treatise an 
anonymous writer made a sharp response. . 

In 1736 Mr. Foxcroft was attacked by paralysis, 
which left him in an enfeebled condition. He con- 

^ In the Library of Harvard College there is a collection of Foxcroft's 
Sermons bound up in a single volume. Among them two at least are worthy 
of notice, namely, the sermon preached at the funeral of his mother, who died 
July 4, 1721 (to which is added a poem, by Rev. John Dantforth), published 
in Boston in 172 1, which pays a beautiful tribute to her memory ; and the ser- 
mon after the Earthquake, Nov. 23, 1727 : "The voice of the Lord from the 
Deep Places of the Earth." Mr. Foxcroft's sermon at his own ordination is 
in a volume in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Library. 



1711-85-] THOMAS FOXCROFT. 1 83 

tinued to preach until the day of his death, but by- 
no means as effectively as before his illness. He 
died June 18, 1769, almost seventy-three years old, 
and in the fifty-second year of his ministry. Dr. 
Chauncy preached a funeral sermon, which was 
published. In a letter written by Dr. Chauncy to 
President Stiles the year before Mr. Foxcroft's death, 
describing some of the most prominent men in 
New England at that period, he thus refers to one 
with whom, as has been stated, he differed widely in 
opinion : — 

" You may wonder I have not mentioned Mr. Foxcroft, 
as he is my colleague. It may justly be said of him that 
his powers are much beyond the common size. Few have 
been greater students in Divinity. His knowledge is pretty 
much confined within this circle. His reasoning faculty, 
before his last sickness, was in a degree of eminence ; and 
few had a greater command of words, nor was he wanting 
in liveliness of imagination. He has written and printed 
several very valuable things, besides sermons, that will 
reflect honour upon him in the opinion of all capable 
judges." 

In his funeral sermon Dr. Chauncy says: — 

" He was a real good Christian ; a partaker of the Holy 
Ghost; uniform in his walk with God in the way of his 
commandments, though, instead of trusting that he was 
righteous in the eye of a strict law, he accounted himself 
an unprofitable servant; fixing his dependence, not on 
his own worthiness, not on any works of righteousness 
which he had done, but on the mercy of God and the 
atoning blood and perfect righteousness of Jesus Christ. 
His writings evince a clearness of perception, copiousness 



184 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85- 

of invention, liveliness of imagination, and soundness of 
judgment. They bear testimony also to his unfeigned 
piety." 

" Mr. Foxcroft had a son, Samuel, who was grad- 
uated at Harvard College in 1754; was ordained 
pastor of the church in New Gloucester, Me., Jan. 
10, 1765; was dismissed in January, 1792; and died, 
much respected and lamented, March 9, 1807, aged 
seventy-two." 

The church held various business meetings about 
this time, as appears by the records; and on Jan. 
19, 1 718-19, " Voted, That for y^ future y'' Dea- 
cons pay to our Ministers, M' Wadsworth and M*" 
Foxcroft, six pounds ten shillings a week ; y' is to 
say, three pounds five shillings a week to each of 
them." 1 

By a vote of the preceding year the deacons were 
instructed to keep regular accounts of all their deal- 
ings with the church funds. Emerson writes of the 
various reli(jious associations in Boston, some of 
which were in existence at this date, as follows :~ — 

" There is a certain indefinable union among all the 
Congregational churches in the metropolis. Their minis- 
ters are united in holding an association at each other's 
houses, every other Monday, in supporting a Theological 
Library,^ in preaching a weekly lecture, and a quarterly 

1 Church Records, 109. 

2 History of First Church, 168. 

3 "This institution," which was not founded until June i, 1807, "invites, 
however, and receives subscriptions from both clergy and laity of all denomi- 
nations." — Emerson's History of First Church, 168, note. [It formerly 
occupied the vestry of Chauncy Slreet meeting-house.] 



1711-85.] THOMAS FOXCROFT. 1 85 

charity lecture; and the several congregations tacitly 
agree in attending these lectures, and favoring these 
institutions." 

On March 4, 1720, an ante-communion or pre- 
paratory lecture was established. Dr. Col man, of 
Brattle Street, preached the first sermon. First 
Church and Brattle Street united in sustaining 
this lecture on Friday afternoon, once a month, 
for about a century. Federal Street, New South, 
and Purchase Street then joined with the older 
churches in sustaining a similar lecture at Federal 
Street on Thursday evening. The latter course 
was discontinued in the summer of 1837.^ 

On June 16, 1725, the church met and solemnly 
considered a message from the Overseers of Har- 
vard College, making choice of their minister, 
Benjamin Wadsworth, for President. After some 
deliberation he was allowed " to accept the call," 
with much regret expressed on both sides at the 
separation.^ 

Notwithstanding his removal Wadsworth kept up 
his connection with the church by preaching for a 
time as usual, as the following order will show: — 

" Whereas the Deacons did not see cause, for the tJiree 
last SabbatJis on which our late Rev"^ Pastor, M' Wads- 
worth, preach'd to us, to carry him what had been his 
weekly salary ; and whereas they have omitted this season 
to pay him his usual wood-money : Therefore ordered, 

1 Church Records, no. Lothrop's History of Brattle Street Church, 
66, 67. 

2 Church Records, 114. 



l85 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [i/n-SS- 

that the sum of Tzvclve Pounds be speedily paid him out 
of the pubHck Box, in consideration of his Preaching ; and 
five Pounds more in consideration of his expence for 
wood." 

On Aiif^. 2, 1725, the same day that this order was 
passed, it was resolved to hold a fast on account of 
the removal of Mr. Wadsworth. 

In the earliest years of the colony the ministers were 
generally supported by free contributions. But from 
1657 ^o 1834, at which latter date the Bill of Rights 
was amended, all the inhabitants of New England 
country parishes were taxed for the support of the 
ministry. Even corporations, without any souls to 
be saved, were still liable to assessment if they held 
land within a parish. The policy of fostering re- 
ligion by means of taxation, derived from the mother 
country, maintained for nearly two centuries, and 
finally abandoned under the amendment to the Bill 
of Rights, in 1834, did not obtain in Boston during 
that period. There the system prevailed for a long 
time of providing for the support of the ministry by 
free contributions, until finally a province law was 
passed, " which authorized the respective congrega- 
tions and societies in Boston to ' cause the pews in 
their several houses to be valued according to the 
convenience and situation thereof, and a new esti- 
mate to be put upon said pews from time to time, as 
shall be found necessary,' and then to assess taxes 
on them in proportion to their value." 

The salaries raised for the ministers at this period 



1711-85] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 1 87 

were very generous, considering the greater value 
which money then had, and the total exemption 
from taxation which the ministry then enjoyed/ 
They were provided for in First Church by means 
of weekly contributions, instead of quarterly collec- 
tions, as is now the practice ; and if the supply fell 
short of the required amount at any time, the defi- 
ciency was covered so far as possible by extra con- 
tributions. 

On Oct. 12, 1726, the church added ten shillines 
per week to the salary of the minister. The stated 
weekly salary had been up to this date ^4 (in addi- 
tion to a supply of wood), established, so Foxcroft 
says, "by church vote some Time before, while Mr. 
Wadsworth was with us ; tho I can find nothing of 
it in the records." It was the custom at this period 
also to give a newly settled minister a generous sum 
of money, " in token of the church, their love and 
regard," towards the new-comer. 

At a church meeting on June 12, 1727, Charles 
Chauncy was chosen to fill the vacancy caused by 
the removal of Wadsworth. The vote stood forty- 
three for Welsteed, sixty-four for Chauncy, and two 
scattering. The ordination took place on October 25. 
" Foxcroft opened with prayer ; Chauncy preached 
from Matt. 28 : 20 ; Prayer by Thatcher ; Fellow- 
ship of the Churches by Mather. Colman presided, 

1 Colonial Laws of Massachusetts, Chap. XXI. Sect. 7. (See also Stat- 
utes of iSii, Chap. VL, and 182 r, Chap. CVIL Sect. 6.) Repealed by 
Statute of 1S2S, Chap. CXLIIL Sect 2. Buck's Ecclesiastical Law of 
Mass., 109. 



l88 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85- 

and gave the charge, praying before and after." 
Wadsworth was prevented by ilhiess from being 
present. 

" During the twelve years ending with 1727, two 
hundred and forty-one persons had been admitted 
into the church, one hundred and fifty-six of whom 
were females. In the same time four hundred and 
seventy-four children were baptized, two hundred 
and fifty-eight of whom were males." ^ 

LIFE OF CHAUNCY. 

Charles Chauncy was born in Boston, Jan. i, 
1 705. He was the great-grandson of President 
Chauncy, of Harvard College. His grandfather, 
Isaac Chauncy, was minister of a congregation in 
Berry Street, London, and at one time associated 
with Dr. Watts. His father, Charles Chauncy, the 
youngest child of Isaac, came from England to set- 
tle in business at Boston. The mother of Chauncy 
was Sarah Walley, daughter of Judge Walley, of the 
Supreme Court of Massachusetts. His father died 
when he was only seven years old ; and " into whose 
care he then fell," writes Emerson, " and by whom 
he was prepared for the university, I have never 
been able to learn." He entered Harvard at twelve, 
and received the degree of M. A. (in course) at the 
age of nineteen, " being regarded as one of the best 
scholars who had at that time received the honors 
of the institution." 

^ Emerson's History of First Church, 172. 



1711-85.] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 1S9 

It is unknown " where he resided, and under 
whose direction he studied, during the time of his 
leaving college, until he became a preacher." His 
call to Boston in 1727 has already been mentioned. 
During the early part of his ministry he does not 
appear to have attracted any particular notice as a 
preacher. His degree of D. D. was conferred by 
Edinburgh University in 1742. The visit of White- 
field first brought out the latent resources of his 
strong and active mind. His pen was busy in oppo- 
sition to the efforts of that famous revivalist, and 
the several preachers who succeeded him and at- 
tempted to repeat the same performances. The 
first thrust was a sermon on Enthusiasm, delivered 
in 1742. The next year a larger work in the same 
vein, called. " Seasonable Thoughts on the State of 
Religion in New England," was published. These 
works were followed by various sermons and letters, 
the latter addressed directly to Whitefield, chal- 
lenging him to make defence or confess his errors. 
Dr. Chauncy reaches the conclusion that such 
tasks as these revivalists set themselves to perform 
not only do more harm than good, but are wholly 
and absolutely without any redeeming features. In 
this strong position he was at variance with most of 
the other settled ministers in Boston, although some 
of them saw much that was objectionable in the 
visits of the more uncontrolled " itinerants." 

The Election Sermon in 1747 was delivered by 
Dr. Chauncy. In this discourse he expatiates on 



igO FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85. 

the same injustice, as he esteems it, which forms the 
subject of a severe letter, addressed to his own 
church the same year by his colleague, Foxcroft, 
and. himself. This letter complained of the suffer- 
ing incurred by the ministers from the fluctuating 
nature of the currency. The rebuke was so little 
relished by the Legislature that they were in doubt 
about publishing his sermon, according to custom. 
When some one told Chauncy of their hesitancy, 
his characteristic reply was, " It shall be printed, 
whether the General Court print it or not. And do 
you, sir," he added, " say from me, that, if I wanted 
to initiate and instruct a person into all kinds of 
iniquity and double dealing, I would send him to 
our General Court." 

Down to the Revolutionary period Chauncy en- 
gaged in various theological controversies, the first 
of which started from his Dudleian lecture, delivered 
in May, 1762, entitled " The Validity of Presbyterian 
Ordination Asserted and Maintained." Another 
publication, called " Remarks upon a Sermon of the 
Bishop of Llandaff," expressed anxiety lest the ap- 
pointment of bishops for America would tend to a 
forcible establishment of Episcopacy. He then adds, 
that " ' our people ' would never suffer their necks 
to be put under that yoke of bondage which was so 
sadly galling to their fathers, and occasioned their 
retreat into this distant land, that they might enjoy 
the freedom of men and Christians." This was fol- 
lowed by a controversy with Dr. Chandler of Eliza- 



17H-85.] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 191 

bethtown, N. Y., which closed, as far as Chauncy was 
concerned, w^ith a treatise entitled " A Complete 
View of Episcopacy," published in 1771, and con- 
sidered one of his most powerful productions. He 
took an active part in the events which brought 
about the Revolution, and made himself very ob- 
noxious to the Royalists during that period. He 
was so strongly persuaded of the justice of the 
American cause that he had no doubt but what, 
if human powers were insufficient, heavenly hosts 
would come down to help us. When this provoked 
a smile or demurrer, he stoutly maintained his full 
assurance that such would be the result. 

His work on "Universal Salvation" appeared in 
1784. Previous intimations of the current of his 
belief were manifested in a sermon headed " All Na- 
tions Blessed in Christ," preached in 1762 at the 
ordination of Joseph Bowman. 

With the appointment of John Clarke as col- 
league, in 1778, Chauncy retired somewhat from 
pulpit labors, but continued to preach at intervals 
to the end of his life. He died Feb. 10, 1787, in 
the sixtieth year of his ministry, at the age of 
eighty- two.^ 

1 "On Saturday morning departed this life the Reverend Charles 
Chauncy, D. D., A. A. S., Senior Pastor of the First Church of Christ in this 
town, having on the ist day of January completed the 82d year of his age, 
and on the 25th day of October, the 59th year of his ministry. He was for 
some time apprehensive of his approaching dissolution, and was observed 
by those who were near him to be a great part of his time engaged in 
devotional exercises. At last worn out with age, he fell asleep in Jesus, in 
sure and certain hope of a resurrection, and a glorious life at the second 



IQ2 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-S5. 

The church appointed Mr. Clarke to preach, 
and the Rev. Peter Thatcher to make a prayer 
at his funeral The text of the sermon was 
from Matt. xxv. 21. By his first wife, EHzabeth, 
daughter of Judge Grove Hirst, and granddaugh- 
ter of the elder Judge Sewall, Chauncy had one 
son and two daughters. By his other two wives 
(Elizabeth, married in 1738, and Mary, daughter 
of David Stoddard, married in 1760) he had no 
children. 

As a preacher and writer Chauncy cultivated a 
rough and seemingly untutored style, as most forci- 
bly conveying his meaning. He labored to avoid 
all arts of rhetoric, beseeching God " never to make 
him an orator." " One of his acquaintances, hearing 
this report, remarked that his prayer was unequiv- 
ocally granted." " Yet," says Emerson/ " I have 
been informed by one of his hearers, who is an ex- 
cellent judge of sermons, that Dr. Chauncy was by 
no means an indifferent speaker ; that his emphases 
were always laid with propriety, often with happy 
effect ; and that his general manner was that of a 
plain, earnest preacher, solicitous for the success of 
his labours." He had so slender a taste for poetry, 
that he is said to have wished that some one would 
translate " Paradise Lost " into prose, so that he 
might understand it. 

appearing of his Lord and Master. His funeral is to be on Thursday 
(Feb. 15), precisely at half past two o'clock, v. T!<i." — Massachusetts Gazette, 
Feb. 13, 1787. 

1 History of First Church, 184. 




^(*4^</ 



rFCe»AA.^r*-^^iJ_^^ 



1711-85] CHARLES CHAUNCY. IQ3 

Dr. N. L. Frothingham has written the following 
concerning his religious views : — 

" As to the doctrine of the Trinity, though the subject 
had not risen into controversy in his day, I have ahvays 
supposed that he was Jwii-Nicene on that point. Such a 
supposition would certainly correspond best with the gen- 
eral complexion of his religious opinions. He was always 
classed prominently among those who were called ' liberal ' ; 
for there were two parties then as now. An octogenarian 
parishioner of mine, who was one of his hearers, tells me 
that, long before his book on ' Universal Salvation ' was 
published, some of his church left him to go to the Old 
South." 

A letter from Dr. Howard, of Springfield, to Pres- 
ident Walker, describes his personal appearance and 
characteristics as follows : — 

" He was little of stature, of a slender, feeble body, a 
very powerful, vigorous mind, and strong passions ; and 
he managed them all exceedingly well. His manners were 
plain and downright, — dignified, bold, and imposing. In 
conversation with his friends, he was pleasant, social, and 
very instructive." 

Of his personal habits the same writer adds : — 

" The Doctor was remarkably temperate in his diet and 
exercise. At t\velve o'clock he took one pinch of snufif, 
and only one in twenty-four hours. At one o'clock he 
dined on one dish of plain, wholesome food, and after din- 
ner took one glass of wine and one pipe of tobacco, and 
only one in twenty-four hours. And he was equally me- 
thodical in his exercise, which consisted chiefly or wholly 
in walking. I said, ' Doctor, you live by rule.' ' If I did 
not, I should not live at all.' " 

13 



194 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85. 

Many stories have been preserved illustrating his 
peculiar habits and temperament. 

In the afternoon of the day on which his wife was 
to be buried, the religious services were appointed 
to commence at three o'clock. When that precise 
hour arrived, Chauncy turned to his colleague, 
Clarke, who was to conduct the exercises, and said, 
" // is time to beginr Clarke said, " Will it not be 
well to wait a little while, as so few persons are 
present } " Dr. Chauncy answered in a very de- 
cided tone, " Mr. Clarke, she is to be bin^icd. 
Beo;in ! " 

The Doctor was accustomed to make his pastoral 
visits (so tradition says) in an ancient chaise, driven 
by a colored servant equally ancient, who used to 
amuse himself at such times, when his master in- 
dulged in a nap or in profound reflection, by driving 
from one side of the street to the other and snap- 
ping up with the end of his whip any persons of his 
own shade who happened to be passing by at the 
time. These parish calls, although short and far 
between, were generally made on a Monday morn- 
ing, interrupting, on that account, in most families 
at all events of the humbler sort, " the pressing do- 
mestic engagements peculiar to that season." They 
were not seldom also attended with more or less 
constraint, arising, it might be, from a habit of 
absent-mindedness, which sometimes got the better 
of him, or worse still, from an irritable state of mind 
incident to a press of work. 



I7II-85-] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 1 95 

But in spite of outward appearances there was a 
large supply of tender feeling wrapped up in the 
inner man. Under a rough exterior Chauncy cher- 
ished a deep regard for his fellow-mortals. His 
peculiarities were largely the results of close study 
and a nervous temperament. " He was really a 
great and good man," writes one who was decidedly 
opposed to him in doctrine ; " a man of profound 
learning and great integrity, of sound judgment 
and quick apprehension, of unaffected piety and 
most extensive benevolence. His own errors did 
not appear to do him any harm, but rather increased 
his love to God and man." He stands out in all 
respects as the foremost figure among his brethren. 

Dr. John Eliot, who early in life was contempo- 
rary with Dr. Chauncy, speaks of him as " one of 
the greatest divines in New England ; no one, ex- 
cept President Edwards and the late Dr. Mayhew, 
has been so much known among the literati of 
Europe, or printed more books upon theological sub- 
jects. He took great delight in studying the Scrip- 
tures. . . . His favourite authors were Tillotson, of 
the Episcopal Church, and Baxter, among the 
Puritans." 

Another writer says : " Doctor Chauncy received 
the Gospel in its simplicity, after a long and severe 
study of the sacred Scriptures and the teachings of 
the early fathers ; and as he believed the truths of 
Christianity were designed for the benefit of the 
people in common, and even people of the weakest 



196 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85. 

capacities, so he constantly endeavored to express 
himself in such a manner as to be easily understood." 
" Such was his love of the truth whenever he dis- 
covered it, and such the honest independence of 
mind which he possessed to a great degree, that he 
frequently advanced sentiments which did not com- 
port with generally received opinions ; he was there- 
fore subjected to those temporary inconveniences 
which always attend on such as cannot fall in with 
all the common opinions. He placed the firmest 
confidence on the grace of the Gospel, and enter- 
tained the highest expectations from the mediatorial 
undertaking of Jesus Christ." ^ 

The successor of Dr. Chauncy, now in office (Dr. 
Rufus Ellis), writes as follows of his religious opin- 
ions and practice : — 

" It has been the impression of some that Dr. Chauncy 
had not the courage of his convictions. We believe that 
there is no adequate ground for any such judgment. Like 
every one who begins to rejoice in the light of a new day, 
he was eager that the sun, which was to be brightness and 
blessedness to him, should not strike his fellows blind. 
Following his wise and merciful Master, he was engaged 
rather to fulfil than to destroy. It was quite right for him 
not to think aloud, and not to declare his mind — as upon 
the grave matter of universal salvation — until he had a 
mind to declare. The reader of his book upo'n this sub- 
ject, if there can be any such person in our day, will be 
delighted to find how manfully, as well as tenderly, he has 
opened and argued his theme, and how steady is his ap- 
peal to Scripture, whilst at the same time he recognizes 

1 Massachusetts Gazette, Feb. 13, 1787. 



1711-Ss] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 1 97 

most earnestly the absoluteness of the moral sense. He is 
much broader in his handling of this high argument for 
our larger hope in God than many modern writers, because 
in mercy he remembers truth and justice and the inevitable 
retributions which they constantly disregard and practi- 
cally make light of. He has left little to be added to the 
Scripture argument. He is free from mere sentimentalism. 
He does not explain away the terrible and yet kindly warn- 
ings of Jesus, or deny that only a few are saved from great 
sinfulness and great consequent suffering, because he sees 
that in the end good, which is infinite, shall overcome evil, 
which is finite, and light, which is a reality, prevail over 
darkness, which is a nonentity. Very noteworthy for that 
time is his declaration that the worst foes of the Gospel 
are they who, undertaking to expound it, can make noth- 
ing out of the blessed Book which is not beneath reason 
and repugnant to humanity ; and very hearty is his ur- 
gency that they shall not turn the best, if not the only, 
light man has into darkness. He still struggles more or 
less blindly with the letter of Scripture, but it is in the 
strength and confidence of the Spirit which breathes upon 
the Word and brings its truths to light, and searcheth all 
things, even the deep things of God. He is sure that what 
is true must be safe and good to know. You feel, in read- 
ing his pages, especially when he is giving the objector the 
opportunity of the fairest and fullest statement, that you 
are dealing with a reason and a conscience, and a singu- 
larly pure humanity, — a man more than abreast of his 
times, and yet too wise to be only the author of confusion. 
Professor Andrews Norton never bestowed any commen- 
dation upon a single soul of man who did not richly merit 
it, and that according to a very high standard. It is inter- 
esting then to read what he has written of Chauncy's book 
upon * Episcopacy,' as ' the work of an able and learned 
theologian, still of value' [1837] ; 'and that to a scholar 
it is striking and almost affecting that such a book should 



IC,S FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [171 1-85. 

have been produced at a time when, in our young country, 
there was a want of types and skill to print the Greek 
citations in Greek letters.' " 

The 3'^ear 1727 is memorable for the great earth- 
quake, " which took place October 29, shaking the 
whole country north of the Delaware River." " It 
was on the nisrht of the Sabbath, a calm and serene 
evening. ' About forty minutes past ten o'clock,' 
says Mr. Prince, pastor of the Old South Church, 
' was heard a loud, hollow noise, like the roaring of 
a great chimney on fire, but inconceivably more 
fierce and terrible. In about half a minute the 
earth began to heave and tremble. The shock, in- 
creasing, rose to the height in about a minute more, 
when the movables, — doors, windows, walls, — espe- 
cially in the upper chambers, made a very fearful 
clatterino-, and the houses rocked and crackled as 
if they were all dissolving and falling to pieces. 
The people, asleep, were awakened with the great- 
est astonishment ; many others, affrighted, ran into 
the streets. But the shaking quickly abated, and 
in another half-minute entirely ceased.' " In the 
morning a large assembly gathered at the North 
Church ; and in the evening the First and South 
Churches were filled with attentive audiences. The 
record of First Church shows an increase of seven 
members on December 24, and six on December 
31, following this event. 

From March 9, 172S-29, to April 19, 1730, whilst 
their new meeting-house was building. South Church 



1711-S5.] ■ CHARLES CHAUNCY. 1 99 

Society worshipped in the Old Brick on Sundays 
" after our exercises were over." 

In 1728-29, at a meeting of the church, it was 
suggested that in future the congregation be con- 
sulted in monetary affairs, such as the support of 
the ministry. The proposition, when first made, 
met with much favor ; but for some unknown rea- 
son the privilege was not definitely accorded until 
Nov. 17, 1730. 

As appears by the signatures appended to the 
records at this period, the elder minister usually 
presided at church meetings, except when motives 
of propriety compelled him to retire. 

On May 18, 1730, it was voted that reading of 
the Scriptures, instead of the old Puritan form of 
expounding them, be hereafter discretionary with 
the ministers ; but " the mind of the church is that 
larger portions should be publickly read than has 
been usual." ^ 

On June 12, 1732, the hour of afternoon service 
was changed from "2 to 3 o'clock for four or five 
months in the spring and summer," by this church 
and those in the "southern part of the town." 

In 1734 an ecclesiastical council was held at Sa- 
lem to consider and pass upon the disturbances in 
the First Church there. First Church in Boston 
was not represented at the council, and partly on 
that account declined to express an opinion when 
afterwards called upon. There are numerous in- 

1 Church Records, 127. 



200 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [i7ii-85- 

stances of this kind, as the record shows, where the 
church was invited to send delegates to attend coun- 
cils called to settle church divisions. They seem 
to indicate a feeling of restlessness under the old 
rules and restraints governing church conduct and 
worship. 

On Friday, Aug. 20, 1736, the church extended 
the right of baptism to conform with the practice 
of the other churches in New England ; in other 
words, they ratified the Half XVay Covenant.^ 

At a church meeting, Feb. 13, 1738-39, a motion 
to fill the vacancy in the office of ruling elder occa- 
sioned so much discussion, — " both parties declar- 
ing their opinion against the divine institution of 
the office, — that the matter was dropped for the 
present." 

The first meeting of the church and congrega- 
tion, controlled by a moderator, was held Sept. 10, 
1739, when Colonel Adam Winthrop was chosen to 
preside. The pastor had hitherto supplied that 
ofHce. 

The connection between Church and State was 
not yet severed. In the same year, at the sugges- 
tion of the General Court, the church voted to con- 
tribute to maintain a lawsuit " about ministerial 
lands in South Kingston, to be brought before his 

1 The allowance of baptism to a child five or six years old, presented by 
its grandmother, one of whose parents was dead, and the other absent in a 
foreign country, which the church granted by a vote of June 23, 1723, indi- 
cates that the practice had not always conformed to the old rule. Church 
Records, 193. 



171 1-85-] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 20I 

Majesty in Council."^ In 1742 a committee was 
appointed to consider an enlargement of the vote of 
Nov. 17, 1730, allowing the congregation to meet 
the church in the transaction of temporal affairs, to 
include all matters " of common concern to the 
whole society." The amendment was effected July 
12, 1743, with the requirement that those of the 
congregation who wished to vote on such matters 
should be " only such Male Persons as give their 
Constant Attendance on divine worship, and con- 
tribute to the support of the ministry," 

It was the custom at this time " to hold the seats 
and pews for the most part in common," making a 
new appraisal every year, which required each pew 
to give a certain amount weekly " towards the sup- 
port of the ministry, and other necessary charges." 
The method of disposing of the pews was through 
a committee of seaters,^ chosen " every few years," 
and like the present Standing Committee,^ com- 
posed of some of the most influential members of 
the society. 

Pulpit exchanges were not so frequently indulged 
in at this period as in later times. The first time 
the suggestion was made it seemed so unusual that 



1 Church Records, 150 et seq. 

2 " 1691. Voted by the Church att a meeting, Novemb'' 24, at my house, 
y' Brother Sampson Stoddard, brother Browne & brother Parsons Doe or- 
der persons In Seating y'" in the meeting-house." — Church Records, 53. 
Emerson says: "This, I believe, is still the practice in most of the religious 
societies on Connecticut River." — History of First Church, 178. 

3 The term " Standing Committee of the Church and Congregation" is 
first applied July 10, 1744. 



202 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85. 

the church thought best to pass a vote in order to 
sanction its propriety. 

In 1740 George Whitefield first visited Boston. 
On Sunday afternoon, Sept. 21, 1740, the famous 
revivahst preached his first sermon in " Mr: Foxcroft's 
meeting-house," and on Thursday, September 25, de- 
livered the lecture. The influence of his preaching 
was marvellous. The size of his audiences, and 
the striking effects which he wrought upon them, 
sufficiently attest the power of his eloquence. At 
times the meeting-houses could not contain the vast 
numbers which flocked to hear him, so that he was 
forced to preach in the open air. ". The converts of 
the ' Great Awakening,' in which he was so promi- 
nent, were numbered by tens of thousands. If our 
figures were precise, they would but slightly express 
the influence of this wonderful movement. The 
thoughts of all the people were stirred for good or 
ill, and an abiding impression was made upon the 
minds and hearts of the communities which knew 
its presence and its power. It stands as a marked 
feature in the history of the times." 

Opinions were divided as to the benefits to be 
derived from such preaching. Of the two ministers 
of First Church, the elder (F'oxcroft) wrote what he 
called an " Apology " for Whitefield, which does not 
disclose any particular bias in his favor, but insists 
that he is entitled to a hearing. Chauncy, on the 
other hand, was opposed to allowing him even this 
privilege, on the ground that he unduly excited his 



T7II-85-] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 203 

hearers and disturbed the order of the churches. 
The two associates differed very pleasantly on this 
subject, no suggestion of the slightest approach to 
a quarrel over it appearing from any source. The 
wide divero-ence of opinion between two such com- 
petent critics shows how difficult it is to form a fair 
estimate of the effects which revivals have upon the 
community. So many qualifications enter into the 
calculation that it is hard to say, in any particular 
instance, whether the result shows a preponderance 
of good or of evil. 

But if carefully weighed and considered, the visits 
of Whitefield will be found to have left behind 
Sfood rather than bad influences. Germs of reli- 
gion were quickened which, in spite of undue ex- 
citement, worked in the minds and hearts of the 
less emotional and better educated classes, and ex- 
panded into larger growths. His preaching, in other 
w'ords, served to modify the harsh doctrines of the 
old school, and suggest more liberal ones in their 
place ; to quicken that steady growth from the too 
conservative to the more liberal, and hence, when 
properly restrained, more progressive forms of 
religion. 

For the next ten years or more, the church is 
chiefly concerned with matters of business. The 
state of the currency, which largely consisted of 
province bills, made it extremely difficult, if not 
impossible, to settle upon any fixed sum for the 
support of the ministry. In consequence of this 



204 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [171 1-85. 

uncertainty the pastors hvid been compelled a short 
time before to address a severe letter to the church, 
asking them to " pitch upon some method " for the 
proper supply of themselves and families with the 
necessaries of life. The church, after hearing the 
letter read, appointed a committee to consider the 
matter, and their report in favor of a larger supply 
for that purpose was fully adopted at a subsequent 
meeting. 

The rule requiring a person to make a " relation " 
before qualification to become a church member 
could be granted, was modified at this time (Lord's 
day, Feb'^ 15, 1756), so as to allow the applicant 
to exhibit a "Confession of faith." " Accordingl)^, 

Cap* G [Jeremy Green], the first male admitted 

since the Alteration, exhibited a Confession of his 
Faith." 

The first attempt to form a choir was made at an 
annual meeting of the church on Tuesday, July 11, 
1758. "It being suggested that a number of the 
Brethren, who were skilful singers, sittinor toQ;ether 
in some convenient place, would greatly tend to rec- 
tify our singing on the Lord's day, and render that 
part of Divine Worship more agreeable, it was 
Voted that the Committee appoint the Persons and 
Place." 

The practice of " lineing out " the psalms (reading 
them out line after line, or two lines together, before 
singing, for the benefit of those without books, or 
the ability to read, as the case might be) prevailed 



1711-85.] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 20S 

in some parts of New England even after the Revo- 
lution. But about the year 1720 singing societies 
began to be formed ; and out of these the modern 
system obtained a foothold in many quarters. The 
new method met with decided opposition in country 
parishes, but in the larger towns, and in Boston 
especially, was carried out with little trouble. 

First Church seems to have been one of the first 
to offer encouragement to the new practice. " On 
July 14, 1 76 1, it was further voted that the 'laree 
committee ' be desired to think of some method to 
encourage and revive the Spirit of Singing in this 
Church." 

" Aug. 2^, Voted, that a number of the best Sing- 
ers among us be desired to sit together in some 
convenient place in the Meeting House ; that read- 
ing of the Psalms on the Sabbath day be omitted ; 
and that a committee be appointed to confer with 
the pastor as to the introduction of a new version 
of the psalms." 

On " Aug. 9, 1 76 1, it was voted to introduce the 
version of the psalms called Tate and Brady, with 
such supplement of Dr. Watts' hymns as our pastors 
shall think proper." 

For nine years after the death of Foxcroft, Dr. 
Chauncy remained without a colleague. During 
that period, partly covered by the siege of Boston, 
the record is very meagre. 

The number of admissions during the forty-two 
years ending with 1769 was one hundred and 



206 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85- 

eighty-one, fifty-three of whom were males, and one 
hundred and twenty-eight females. In the same 
time one thousand and forty-nine children were 
baptized, five hundred and forty-four of whom were 
males, and five hundred and five were females.^ 

In 1772 Brattle Street Society attended services 
in the Old Brick, while they pulled down their old 
meeting-house and rebuilt on the same spot. The 
invitation was accepted May 4, 1772, and a vote 
of thanks returned July 13, 1773. From July 12, 
1774, to July 14, 1776, the record affords no 
entries. On Aug. 13, 1776, at a meeting of the 
church and cono^res'ation it was " voted that all the 
Leaden weights of the Windows of this Church be 
delivered to the Commissary of this Collony, upon 
Condition Iron Weights be placed in their stead & 
the difference paid in Cash." This is the only ref- 
erence to civil affairs at this period which the church 
record furnishes. Dr. Chauncy was obliged to leave 
Boston durinor the sies^e. Thursdav Lecture, which 
liad been suspended during that interval, was, on the 
departure of the British troops from Boston, at 
once resumed. On Thursday, March 28, 1776, the 
Gazette said : — 

"We hear diat on the last Lord's day the Rev. Mr. 
Bridge, of Chelmsford, preached a most animating dis- 
course from those words in the 2d of Kings vii. 7 : 'Where- 
fore they arose and fled in the twilight, and left their 
tents, and their horses, and their asses, even the camp as 

1 Emerson's History of First Church, iSo. 



171 1-85] CHARLES CHAUNCY. 207 

it was, and fled for their life.' This passage of Scripture 
is a good description of the late flight of our ministerial 
enemies, for they left their tents, and their horses, and a 
number of tories for asses." 

The succeeding paper (April 4) says: — 

" Thursday last the lecture,^ which was established and 
has been observ^ed from the first settlement of Boston with- 
out interruption until within these few months past, was 
opened by the Rev. Dr. Eliot. His Excellency, General 
VV'ashington, the other General officers, and their suites, 
having been previously invited, met in the Council Cham- 
ber, from whence, preceded by the sheriff" with his wand, 
attended by the members of the Council who had had the 
small-pox, the Committee of the House of Representa- 
tives, the Selectmen, the Clergy, and many other gentle- 
men, they repar'd to the Old Brick Meeting House, where 
an excellent and well adapted discourse was delivered from 
the 33d chap. Isaiah, 20 verses. 

" After Divine service was ended, his Excellency, at- 
tended and accompanied as before, returned to the Coun- 
cil Chamber, from whence they proceeded to the Bunch 
of Grapes Tavern, where an elegant dinner was provided 
at the public expense ; after which many proper and very 
pertinent toasts were drank. Joy and gratitude sat on 
every countenance and smiled in every eye. The whole 
was conducted and concluded to the satisfaction of all." 

On January 19, 1778, the church unanimously 
chose John Clarke to be their pastor; and on Jan- 

1 The importance which once attached to the Thursday Lecture, when 
the pupils of the public schools were dismissed, and people generally sus- 
pended business, in order to attend the observance in the old church, might 
easily form the subject of a separate chapter. Dr. Frothingham gives a 
charming sketch of the time-honored institution in his " Shade of the Past " 
(iii/ra, 301). See also "Discourse delivered on Occasion of resuming the 
Thursday Lecture, Dec. 14, 1843," ^Y ^^'^- R- C. Waterston. 



2o8 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85. 

iiary 25 the congregation unanimously approved 
the choice. Dr. Chauncy, who had just passed the 
fiftieth year of his ministry, and was now old and 
feeble, continued in office as long as he lived. 

On " July 8, 1778, M"" John Clark, agreeably to a 
vote of this Church, was ordained Colleage Pastor 
w'^ Dr. Chauncy, by the laying on of the hands of a 
number of the Pastors from other Churches, deputed 
to this work by the venerable Council convened 
upon this occasion at the call of this church. 

" Charles Chauncy, Pastor^ 

LIFE OF CLARKE. 

John Clarke, son of John and Sarah Clarke, was 
born at Portsmouth, N. H., April 13, 1755. His 
mother was a daughter of Deacon Timothy Picker- 
ing, and sister of Colonel Timothy Pickering. 

After a long residence at Portsmouth the family 
removed to Salem, where his father, who was by oc- 
cupation a sea-captain, received an appointment as 
clerk in a public office. The son was remarkable 
at an early age for good behavior and scholarly 
tastes. He entered the Boston Public Latin School 
with the class of 1761, which included, among others, 
Thomas Aston Coffin, Bart., and William Eustis, 
the well-known Q-overnor of Massachusetts. He 
went to Harvard at the age of fifteen, graduating in 
the class of 1774. During his college course he 
gained the good esteem which belongs to well- 
ordered conduct and superior scholarship. His tutor, 



1711-85.] JOHN CLARKE. 209 

Mr. Willard, afterwards president, said of him, that 
" perhaps there never was a student who passed 
through the University and went into the world with 
a fairer reputation, and few with more soHd and 
useful acquirements." He received the degree of 
M. A. (in course) in 1777. After graduating he 
taught a few pupils, but devoted his leisure hours to 
the study of divinity. He early acquired a good 
reputation as a preacher, and had not long to wait 
before the First Church in Boston gave him a call 
to become the colleague of Dr. Chauncy. That ven- 
erable preacher welcomed him with great kindness, 
and they continued together in friendly association 
until the death of the former. Clarke then remained 
sole pastor until his labors also were ended. 

Like several of his predecessors, Clarke died of 
apoplexy. As he was preaching in his own pulpit 
on the afternoon of Sunday, April i, 1798, he was 
attacked by this malady and fell backward. He re- 
vived a little, but could only say "my friends," when 
he sunk again. He was then conveyed to his own 
house, soon became insensible, and expired at three 
o'clock the next morning (April 2), at the age of 
forty-two, and in the twenty-first year of his minis- 
try. Dr. Thacher preached his funeral sermon, Fri- 
day, April 6,' from 2 Sam. i. 26. President Willard 

1 " The Committee of the First Church in Boston request the several soci- 
eties of which the late Mr. Clark was a member, and also his friends and 
connections in general, to attend his funeral on Friday next. The procession 
will move from his late dwelling-house, in Summer Street, precisely at three 
o'clock, P. M." — Columbian Ccnliucl, Wednesday, April 4, 1798. 

14 



2IO FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-S5. 

also delivered a memorial discourse before his late 
congregation the following Sunday, in which he pays 
a orlowine tribute to his friend. Two octavo volumes 
of Clarke's sermons were published after his death.^ 
His degree of D. D. was conferred by Edinburgh 
University. His chief work was an " Answer to 
the Question, 'Why are you a Christian?'" It went 
through several editions, both here and in England. 
Another little book entitled " Letters to a Student 
at the University of Cambridge" (understood to be 
his cousin, Hon. John Pickering) would be of ex- 
cellent service even to the present undergraduate. 
Besides these there were published, during his life- 
time, three funeral sermons, the last on his col- 
league, Chauncy, and a discourse before the Humane 
Society of Massachusetts. 

Dr. Clarke was in some respects just the opposite 
of his aged colleague. His style of composition and 
manner of delivery were more elaborate than those 
of Dr. Chauncy. He cultivated the fine arts to a 
greater degree than his associate (though not to the 
neglect of his profession), and was a member of the 

1 Jeremy Belknap delivered a sermon at Thursday Lecture which Dr. John 
Pierce says was " doubtless suggested by the then recent death of his be- 
loved friend, the Rev. Dr. John Clarke," and is copied into his Memoirs. 
He adds, " my impressions on hearing which I shall retain while memory 
lasts." — Letter from John Pierce to Miss Belknap, dated Brookline, 20th 
March, 1845. MS. in Hist. Soc. Coll. 

For notice of Clarke's death, see letter from the Rev. Samuel Miller, D. D., 
of New York, to the Rev. Dr. John Eliot, dated New York, April 10, 179S. 
He says : " I was sorry to hear this day of Dr. Clarke's death. Alas ! how fleet- 
ing is life ! you have sustained a heavy loss. I have valued few men more 
upon a short acquaintance than him." Hist. Soc. Coll. MS. C. 41, F. 



1711-85-] JOHN CLARKE. 211 

chief literary and religious societies in the Boston of 
his day. He was one of the founders and a coun- 
sellor of the American Academy of Arts and Sci- 
ences, a member of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, a trustee of the Humane Society, and one 
of the original projectors of the Boston Library. 
He prepared his sermons with great care, never 
writing more than one a week, and generally fin- 
ishing that before Thursday Lecture. On this 
account his discourses sometimes lacked that brill- 
iancy of effect which is more apt to accompany 
less labored productions. His manner of speaking 
was plaintive and pathetic, and well adapted to fu- 
neral occasions. His public prayers were prepared 
and memorized with great care. As a pastor his 
visits were frequent and most delightful, though of 
short duration. Instead of a oeneral scatterinor on 
the part of the younger members of the household 
when thev saw him comino- — as was too often the 
case in those days when the minister was making 
his parish calls, — the whole family was always 
glad to be present and listen to his cheery con- 
versation. 

In his religious views Dr. Clarke was understood 
to be an Arian ; but, like so many other liberal min- 
isters of that period, he rather rested in the " nega- 
tive conviction that the doctrine of the Trinity is not 
a Scripture doctrine, than in any positive view of the 
subject." In the early part of his ministry he inclined 
to the doctrine of final restoration as laid down by 



2 12 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85- 

Dr. Chauncy, but in the latter part preserved strict 
silence on that subject. On one occasion (so Clarke 
himself relates) a stern old Calvinist, who had been 
listening to his preaching, went out of the church in 
diso-ust, saying : " Beans in a bladder ; no food to- 
day for poor, perishing souls." His favorite author 
was John Taylor, of Norwich. To illustrate the 
difference between his temperament and that of 
Dr. Chauncy, the following story is told. It was the 
custom in that day for the Boston ministers to 
preach in regular turns on Sunday evenings to the 
poor people in the workhouse. The inmates of 
that institution, both male and female, were sen- 
tenced to imprisonment and labor, according to the 
nature of their offences, and in extreme cases to the 
penalties of the whipping-post. Mr. Clarke, when 
called upon to preach, " in the very fulness of his 
gentleness and courtesy, addressing himself chiefly 
to the frailer portion of his hearers, exhibited for 
his text and their instruction a part of Solomon's 
description of a virtuous woman, industriously at 
work with her maidens, and presiding gracefully 
over her household : ' She laycth her hands to the 
spindle, and her hands hold the distaff,' Proverbs 
xxxi. 19. When Dr. Chauncy came, — fixing his re- 
gards chiefly upon the male portion of his audience, 
and not suffering from any excess of sympathy with 
the other, — he preached from the words of the 
Apostle to the Thessalonians : ' If any will not work, 
neither shall he eat.' " 




S.fizjv'^f^^j*"-^'''^!-''*- r5t~-«. ^ »>-Si4fvS»SS«!*l'iSte4?¥-K-J<?^W&< 






PE T'PINTINC, CO., BCSTi N 



1711-85.] JOHN CLARKE. 213 

In personal appearance Dr. Clarke is described as 
"a little above the middle height ; about five feet nine 
to ten inches. He was rather strongly built, and was 
somewhat inclined to corpulency, but only enough so 
to round off handsomely the person. His complexion 
was sallow, but not indicative of ill health. His face 
was rather long ; his forehead of middling height 
and broad; his eyes dark grey, and animated in 
conversation ; his cheek bones rather prominent ; 
his nose somewhat long, but straight and hand- 
somely formed ; his mouth rather wide, and his lips 
thick, but his teeth good, and his chin strong and 
well formed. The general aspect of his counte- 
nance was calm and placid, but it was often lighted 
up, especially when he was conversing with young 
people, with uncommon vivacity." In social accom- 
plishments he was facile princcps among the clergy- 
men of Boston. His melodious voice and sweet 
and pleasant manners were in marked contrast to 
the set and formal ways of some of his elder breth- 
ren in the ministry. His 3'outh, too, was by no 
means a drawback to his other accomplishments. 
In short, without any sacrifice of honesty on his 
part, he found a place in the hearts of all classes 
and all ages by his courteous demeanor, and by the 
gentle and loving influences which always accompa- 
nied his presence. 

Dr. Clarke married Esther, daughter of Timothy 
Orne, of Salem. She lived to be over ninety, but 
for the latter part of her life entirely broken in 



214 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1711-85. 

mind. They had four children, — two sons and two 
daughters. 

Distinctions as to sex and quahty were still, to 
a certain extent, recognized in seating the congrega- 
tion. The men and women did not sit separately 
(as was the custom of the Old South Church at this 
period), but there w^ere a few long seats, as they 
were called, which were known as " men seats " and 
" women seats," and reserved for the humbler sort of 
people, probably the servants of the proprietors. 

For six months (namely, from September, 1784, 
to March, 1785), wdiile the meeting-house was being 
repaired and extensively altered, First Church ac- 
cepted the kind invitation of Brattle Street Church 
to join with them in w^orship. 

The first book of records contains no entries be- 
yond the year 1785, with the exception of those 
relating to baptisms, which are recorded in that 
volume in an unbroken line from 1630 to 1848. 
That portion of the volume, nearly one half of its 
whole contents, is a study in itself, and full of in- 
terest to one who reads between the lines. One 
entry will suffice by w^ay of illustration : " On the 
6"' of y'' ii"" Moneth [1638], Fathergone, y" sonne 
of o' gone Brother Willyam Dyneley [was bap- 
tized]," which contains the sad story of the birth of 
a son following hard upon the new^s of the death of 
his father, wdio had perished in a severe snow-storm 
between Boston and Roxbury. The grief of the 
mother is said to have hastened the delivery of the 



171 1-85.] JOHN CLARKE. 215 

child, and caused her to commemorate in his name 
the sad bereavement. 

In the nine years ending with 1778,^ seventeen 
persons were admitted to communion, three of whom 
were males and fourteen females. During the six- 
teen years ending in 1785, the number of baptisms 
was one hundred and fifty, of which seventy-four 
w^ere males and seventy-six females. 

1 It is unknown how many persons were admitted during the next seven 
years ending with 1785. The record shows twenty-four blank pages. 



CHAPTER VI. 

1786-1814. 

JOHN CLARKE, WILLIAM EMERSON, JOHN ABBOT. 

Organ Music in First Church. — Single Ministry. — Theological 
Changes. — Week-Day Lectures. — Thursday Lecture. — Com- 
munion and Baptism. — Invitation of Mr. Emerson. — Sketch of 
Mr. Emerson. — His Theology. — Visit to his Son, Ralph Waldo 
Emerson. — Church Discipline. — Building of a New Meeting- 
House on Chauncy Place. — Description of the Old Brick. — 
Surviving Worshippers in that House. — John Lovejoy Abbot, his 
brief Ministry and early Death. 

TT was once said that there were but three kinds 
of beings whom God had endowed with animal 
sensation who were not charmed with the harmony 
of music ; and they were the Devil, a Quaker, and 
an Ass. That the fathers of our congregation would 
have taken serious exception to this remark, in so 
far as it applies to the use of instrumental music in 
the worship of God, will appear from the following. 
The church had been anxious for some time to 
secure an organ to put in their place of worship, 
and for this purpose had repeatedly requested 
^500 from Mr. Brand Hollis, of London. Instead 
of obliging them with the money, however, he 
caused a small tract ao;ainst the use of instrumental 



1786-1814.] JOHN CLARKE. 217 

music in the worship of God to be published and 
sent to Dr. Chauncy. The title of the tract is here 
given in full: "A Tractate on Church Music: being 
an extract from the Reverend and Learned Mr. 
Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters. The Chris- 
tian religion shines brightest in its own dress ; and 
to paint it is but to deform it. Dr. Nichols De- 
fence of the Church of England. London, 1786." 
The dedication on the inside of the page reads : 
" This Tractate on Church Music is inscribed to the 
Reverend Doctor Chauncy and the Reverend Mr. 
John Clark, the Ministers; and to the several mem- 
bers of the First Congregational Dissenting Church 
in Boston in America." To give an idea of the 
contents the opening lines are quoted : — ■ 

" The subject before us may be resolved into a question, 
which, simple and uncompounded, is no other than whether 
it be fit and proper to introduce the use of instrumental 
music into the public worship of almighty God, as being 
able to excite in us devout and spiritual affections? Plain 
singing is universally admitted to be at once capable of 
raising and improving sentiments of rational piety and 
devotion, and is commanded in the New Testament. 
Where the heart and understanding are so intimately in- 
terested, like every other united act of praise, it is calcu- 
lated to produce a good effect. But the addition of 
instrumental music should seem more calculated to divert 
and dissipate the pious affections of a reasonable service 
than to fix them upon their proper objects. 

" And if express authority be pleaded in its behalf, such 
authority should be proved by other evidences than a gen- 
eral command concerning singing. It is not enough to 



2l8 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

say that musical instruments are able to stir and cheer our 
minds ; for it is not lawful for us to bring into use such 
things, of our own heads, into God's worship. Who knows 
not that wine has the like virtue to cheer men's minds and 
warm their affections ? And yet it is unlawful to use it in 
the worship of God, except where it is commanded, in the 
Lord's supper. Vain, therefore, are these and such like 
allegations upon this head. And unless it can be proved 
that our minds are carried toward spiritual and heavenly 
things by some hidden virtue that nature has given to 
these musical instruments, or by a certain divine grace 
accompanying them, as God's own institutions, there is 
really nothing said to the purpose." 

Letters of approval from Drs. Price and Kippis 
are subjoined to the pamphlet, Price fearing a " devi- 
ation from the simplicity of Christian worship " in 
the use of instrumental music, and Kippis finding 
" no foundation in the New Testament " for such 
practice. That the church had an organ before this 
tract appeared, and were only anxious to purchase a 
new one, would seem to follow from a vote that was 
passed in 1786, allowing Mr. John Greenleaf the 
sum of ^30 for past services as organist. But the 
precise date when this first instrument was intro- 
duced is unknown. Shaw says: "In this church 
[the Old Brick] was introduced the first organ ever 
admitted into a Congregational church in this town." 
Probably the first instrument was only hired, as no 
mention of the purchase of an organ occurs until 
1786. In 1789 "a motion to remove the organ from 
the society by making sale thereof" was lost by a 



I786-I8I4-] JOHN CLARKE. 219 

vote of three in the affirmative and thirty-three in 
the negative. 

On the death of Dr. Chauncy no attempt was 
made to settle a colleague with Dr. Clarke, and the 
church has remained in charge of a single minister 
ever since. In 1789 the deacons were instructed 
hereafter to render an account of the church funds 
at the annual meeting. 

There is very little to record during the last 
decade of this century, save the death of Clarke, 
and the invitation to his successor. The former has 
already been noticed ; and before proceeding to 
describe the peculiar circumstances attending the 
latter a brief glance at the condition of religious 
affairs in and around Boston at this time may per- 
haps be of interest. The pulpits in this neighbor- 
hood, with rare exceptions, were then occupied by a 
body of liberal preachers. They did not form a dis- 
tinct organization, but went under the general head 
of Arminians. It was a period of reaction, following 
upon the excitement attending the " Whitefieldian 
movement." At the same time there was on all 
sides an increasing unwillingness to yield implicit 
assent to the more rigid forms of Orthodoxy. This 
inclination to fashion for one's self a more liberal 
creed received ample encouragement from the 
changes which had taken place in civil affairs. The 
stirring events of the Revolutionary War had roused 
a spirit of free investigation into religious restraints 
and formularies kindred to that which had been so 



220 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

successful in opposing civil coercions. " A more 
liberal political reaime^ if not logically, yet not un- 
naturally, postulated a broader theological platform." 
To define all the causes which had helped to bring 
about this result, it would be necessary to include 
the interest which many of the English Unitarians 
felt in the cause of freedom. Then, too, the struggle 
for Independence, while it was in progress, enlisted 
the energies of the clergy on this side of the water, 
and caused a relaxation of vigilance in spiritual 
affairs. 

As a result of these various influences a class of 
clergymen and laymen who determined to cut loose 
from the " old moorings " had gradually grown up. 
That this resolve was deliberately taken would seem 
to follow from direct testimony as to their public 
utterances, and extracts from their published ser- 
mons and writings. The charge of secrecy, some- 
times laid at their door, is satisfactorily answered in 
every instance by evidence of a similarly conclusive 
character. The truth is, that at this period " their 
opinions were not generally regarded as heretical." 
It was not until the lines were more sharply drawn 
that the wide divergence in doctrine became so 
startlingly apparent. 

" When there ensued a revival of the earlier the- 
ology, in the new-born zeal and fervor it seemed 
impossible that such lax doctrinal views could ever 
have been tolerated alongside of the Trinitarian 
faith ; and hence the theory that they must have 



i7S6-iSi4.] JOHN CLARKE. 22 1 

been held in secret. Yet if in secret, how could the 
facts be well known and thoroughly substantiated 
at the present day ? " The liberal clergy, towards 
the close of the last century, had little or none of that 
religious fervor which so strongly characterizes their 
brethren of the earliest years of the present century. 
But they will long be remembered as " devout men," 
and steady upholders of Christian morals and ethics ; 
pure and exemplary in their lives and teachings, 
and "diligent in their parochial and social duties." 
Many of the more liberal churches of this period 
retained precisely the same covenants under which 
they were originally gathered, so that applicants for 
admission to full communion were required to sign 
the ancient confession- In most cases, however, 
these covenants contained no specification of dog- 
mas, because when they were first used there was no 
suspicion or anticipation of dissent from traditional 
Orthodoxy. 

As to what may be called " the more private man- 
ifestations of religious faith and feeling," the prac- 
tice was in marked contrast with that of to-day. 
There was a much steadier observance of sacred 
duties in those days than now prevails in m.ost fam- 
ilies. The morning and afternoon services in the 
churches were both of them attended with " un- 
failing regularity by all of every age who had 
no good reason for absence." The late John G. 
Palfrey, " who was pastor of a congregation second 
to none in position and wealth, says, during the 



222 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

greater part of his ministry, occasional sermons, and 
those which were regarded as of superior interest, 
were uniformly preached in the afternoon, as the 
number of persons necessarily absent was smaller 
than in the morning." ^ The Sunday school was as 
yet unknown ; the only approach to it being the 
annual or semi-annual catechising, when the chil- 
dren of the parish gathered in front of the pulpit 
and answered questions (the brightest of them usu- 
ally undertaking this duty) on fundamental points 
of doctrine ; after which the pastor closed the ser- 
vices with a short address and prayer. 

The week-day lectures were still fairly well attended. 
The older or Thursday Lecture retained a small 
portion of its ancient glory, — subjects of great im- 
portance being introduced for the first time on that 
occasion, while the ante-communion or preparatory 
lecture, as the other was called, was quite vigor- 
ously supported, though chiefiy by women. 

Both of these lectures took place by daylight. 
Night meetings were not encouraged, not so much 
from necessity, — although the want of proper facil- 
ities for lighting the churches certainly formed a 
serious obstacle, — as for their supposed bad moral 
tendency. On this account there was very little of 
what may be called religious activity, such enthusi- 
asm as there was being confined to stated occasions 
and public observances. The number of communi- 
cants, however, was not small, though slenderly re- 

1 Quoted by Dr A. P. Peabody in Memorial History of Boston. 



1786-1814] WILLIAM EMERSON. 223 

inforced by the younger portion of society ; and the 
rite of baptism, whether under the Half Way Cove- 
nant or without any required subscription of faith, 
was generally observed. 

On June ii, 1799, the society determined to in- 
vite the Rev. William Emerson, of Harvard, to fill 
the vacant pulpit. A letter, dated June 17, was ac- 
cordingly addressed to his society, asking their con- 
sent to his removal. The reply to this request, dated 
July 13, states that a committee has been appointed, 
and suG^Q^ests that the two societies hold a confer- 
ence. Tlie freeholders and other inhabitants of 
Harvard had meantime (July 11) held a meeting, at 
which it 'was voted to concur with the action of the 
church, and to appoint a committee to join with the 
societv and Mr. Emerson in a conference with a 
committee of First Churcli in Boston. Various let- 
ters then passed between the parties in interest, which 
resulted finally in the purchase of Mr. Emerson for 
the sum of one thousand dollars, " in compensation 
for the settlement given him by the church and so- 
ciety [in Harvard], and for the expenses occasioned 
by his removal from them to the First Church in 
Boston." ^ 

On Sept. 10, 1799, "Elders and Delegates of 
the churches of Shirley, Lunenburgh, Groton, Pep- 

1 The First Church in Boston made the offer of settlement for one thou- 
sand dollars on Aug. 26, 1799, and it was accepted by the Harvard Church 
by letter, dated Sept. 11, 1799. The whole proceeding, namely, the removal 
of an ordained minister from the parish over which he had been duly settled, 
is described in one of the letters above mentioned as entirely novel, and 
occasioning great difficulty in the proper adjustment. 



224 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

perell, and Lancaster," met in council at Harvard 
and approved of this settlement. Signed, " Daniel 
Chaplin, Moderator; Nath^ Thayer, Scribe." The 
formal call to Mr. Emerson was extended Sept. 
20, 1799, and concurred in by the congregation 
September 24. Mr. Emerson accepted the invi- 
tation September 25, became a member of the 
church October 13, and was installed October 16. 
" The pastors and delegates who were invited to 
attend at the installation met in the Senate Chamber 
of the old State House at one o'clock of the day 
appointed." 

LIFE OF EMERSON. 

William Emerson, only son of William and Phcebe 
(Bliss) Emerson, was born at Concord, May 6, 1769. 
His grandfather. Rev. Joseph Emerson, of Maiden, 
married Mary Moodey, daughter of Rev. Samuel 
Moodey, of York, and grand-niece of Joshua Moodey 
of First Church, Boston. His mother became a 
widow when he was only seven years old, but soon 
after married Rev. Ezra Ripley, the successor of her 
former husband as minister of Concord.^ Birth and 

1 His father died at an early age. The following extract from an obitu- 
ary notice of him is dated "Concord, Nov i^t, 1776. On the morning of the 
Lord's day, the 20"' of October last, died at Rutland, on Otter Creek, the 
Rev. Mr. William Emerson, pastor of the church of Christ in this town, in 
the 35''' year of his age. His zeal for the liberties of his country, which 
appeared from the beginning of the present troubles, animated him to ac- 
company his bretheren m the reinforcement lately sent by this State to our 
army at Ticonderoga as chaplain of a regiment. But the hardships to which 
he was e.xposed " proved too much for his delicate constitution, and brought 
on a fever which caused his death on the homeward march. 



1786-1814-] WILLIAM EMERSON. 225 

education therefore combined to fit Emerson for the 
ministry. At the age of sixteen he entered Harvard 
College. His course at the University was marked 
by good behavior and scholarship. Though sus- 
pended for a brief interval during that period, it was 
not, as he frequently affirmed, for any breach of 
duty on his part, but simply because he refused to 
testify to the misbehavior of others. He graduated 
in 1789, and shortly after delivered the Phi Beta 
Kappa oration with marked effect. For two years 
he taught school in Roxbury, with entire satis- 
faction to his employers. He then removed to 
Cambridge to study divinity, and before many 
months had elapsed was approbated for the minis- 
try, and received a call to preach. After a short 
trial as candidate, the society in Harvard, Mass., in- 
vited him to settle as minister Dec. 21, 1791.^ He 
accepted the call March 1 7, and was ordained to 
office May 2;^, 1792; but from the very first was 
" never quite at home " in Harvard. As was the 
case with John Norton at Plymouth, " his spirit did 
not close with them."~ Having come to Boston 
in 1799 to preach the Artillery Election Sermon, 
he attracted the attention of First Church. The 
result was that the society in Boston very soon 
invited Mr. Emerson to settle as successor to Dr. 

^ "At a town meeting, Jan. 9, 1792, the vote of the church was con- 
curred in, and ;i^200 allowed for the settlement of Mr. Emerson, .^C'oo to be 
paid in one year from the time of his ordination. The other ;i^ioo to be 
paid in two years, and ;^ioo to be paid annually as a sallary." — Records 
of the Town of Harvard. 

- See Life of Norton, ante, Chap. III. 

IS 



226 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

Clarke, who had died the previous year. His 
acceptance of the invitation, and the long and 
complex negotiations attending his removal, have 
already been mentioned. His friend and classmate, 
the Rev. Nathaniel Thayer, of Lancaster, preached 
the installation sermon. From the time of his re- 
moval to Boston Mr. Emerson seemed to devote 
more energy to preaching, and to show a deeper 
interest in intellectual pursuits. Like his predeces- 
sor, Clarke, he filled prominent places in the com- 
munity, both public and private. He started and 
largely maintained the Christian Monitor, which con- 
tinued to be published for a number of years ; and in 
conjunction with others carried on the Monthly An- 
thology and Boston Review, which was first issued in 
1804. He was also a member of most of the promi- 
nent literary and religious societies in Boston. 

In May, 1808, a serious illness interrupted his 
labors, and seemed to forebode a fatal result. He 
recovered, however, from this attack, and continued 
for a while much as usual, until finally another 
trouble of a different nature obliged him to leave off 
work in the winter of 1810-11. He did not give 
up without a struggle, and persisted in preaching 
long after the state of his health warned him to 
abandon the attempt. His last sermon was preached 
at Thursday Lecture, March 14, "on Abraham's 
offering up his son Isaac," and was perhaps the 
most interesting and impressive discourse which he 
ever delivered. 



1786-1S14] WILLIAM EMERSON. 22/ 

In pursuit of health he then tried the effect of a 
short sea voyage, with a view to a more extended 
trip to some milder climate, should the result prove 
satisfactory ; but he returned home in such a feeble 
condition as to preclude any further exertion. After 
this he rapidly failed "till Sunday, May 12, 181 1, 
when he calmly fell asleep." Mr. Buckminster 
preached his funeral sermon from Psalm xii. i, on 
May 16, after which his body was interred in First 
Church (Cotton) tomb in the Chapel Burying 
Ground. 

As a writer Mr. Emerson cultivated a more 
rounded and elaborate style than is common in 
these days. On this account the impatient modern 
reader is in danger of overlooking the real merit of 
his writings, which consists in a wonderful clearness 
and accuracy of statement. " As a clergyman he 
was greatly endeared to his society. His manner 
in the pulpit was graceful and dignified, though sel- 
dom impassioned. His sermons were remarkably 
chaste and regular in their structure, correct and 
harmonious in their style, seldom aiming at the 
more daring graces of rhetoric, but always clear 
and accurate, and to a great majority of hearers 
particularly acceptable." 

The theological views of Mr. Emerson were sim- 
ilar to those of his immediate predecessors. He 
may have been even more liberal than most of his 
contemporaries. His writings do not clearly show 
how far his Unitarianism extended, but plainly dis- 



228 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTOxN. [1786-1814. 

close a decided lack of sympathy with Calvinism, 
His son, Ralph Waldo Emerson, writes as follows 
on this point : — 

" My father inclined obviously to what is ethical and 
universal in Christianity; very little to the personal and 
historical. Indeed, what I found nearest approaching 
what would be called his creed is in a printed sermon ' at 
the Ordination of Mr. Bedee, of Wilton, N. H.' I think I 
observe in his writings, as in the writings of Unitarians 
down to a recent date, a studied reserve on the subject of 
the nature and offices of Jesus. They had not made up 
their own minds on it. It was a mystery to them, and 
they let it remain so." 

Though Mr. Emerson put a high estimate on the 
good opinion of his fellow-men, he was very far 
from improperly laboring to acquire it. Neither 
were his relations towards his fellow-ministers dic- 
tated by any regard for popular favor. His friend- 
ship was lasting, and his enmity short-lived. 

The writer gathered the following as the fruits of 
a visit to the home of Ralph Waldo Emerson at 
Concord, May 3, 1881. 

Of his father, Mr. Emerson said that he died 
when he was so young that his recollection of him 
is not very strong. He added : " My daughter there 
[Miss Ellen T. Emerson] can tell you much more 
about him than I can." 

From the family Bible it appeared that William 
Emerson married Ruth Haskins, daughter of John 
and Hannah (Upham) Haskins, in Rainsford Lane, 
Boston ; that they had children, — Phoebe Rip- 



1786-1814.] WILLIAM EMERSON. 229 

ley, born at Harvard, Feb. 9, 1798, died Sept. 28, 
1800; John Clarke, born Nov. 28, 1799, died April 
26, 1807; William, born in Summer Street, Boston, 
July 3, iSoi ; Ralph Waldo, born May 25, 1803; 
Edward Bliss, born April 17, 1805, died at St. Johns, 
Porto Rico, Oct. 11, 1834; Robert Bulkeley, born 
April II, 1807, died in Littleton, Mass., May 23, 
1859; Charles Chauncy, born Nov. 27, 1808, died 
May 9, 1836, at New York; Mary Caroline, born 
Feb. 26, 181 1, died April 30, 1814. Ruth Emerson, 
his widow, died Nov. 6, 181 1, at Concord. 

Family letters and documents yield much addi- 
tional matter, confirmatory of the faithful and con- 
scientious manner in which Mr. Emerson was ac- 
customed to perform the varied duties of his calling. 
It was his habit, it seems, to write out all his prayers 
(three for each service) with great minuteness, using 
for that purpose texts from the Bible. In this way he 
had collected volumes of written prayers, preserved 
with as much care as those containing his sermons. 
He was at pains, also, to keep a record of all the 
presents received from members of the society, ap- 
praising each one at a proper valuation. His letters 
to his wife and family abundantly indicate that he 
was equally faithful in his domestic concerns. 

It is characteristic of him that, although very fond 
of music, especially of playing on the bass-viol, he 
did not think it proper to continue the indulgence 
after he had become a settled minister. His taste 
in this direction secured an invitation from Dr. Bel- 



230 FIRST CHURCH KN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

knap to assist him in arranging some of the hymns 
for his well-known collection. 

Although naturally inclined to a serious way of 
looking'- at things, there were times when he light- 
ened in tone. For instance, when his health began 
to fail him, some one wrote to him, anxiously, to 
take care of the east-wind. " East-wind," was his 
reply ; " when I was a boy I heard more from my 
mother about east-winds than I have ever experi- 
enced since." 

Mr. Emerson had much more than his share of 
personal attractions. He "was a handsome man," 
writes Dr. Charles Lowell, " rather tall, with a fair* 
complexion, his cheeks slightly tinted, his motions 
easy, graceful, and gentlemanlike, his manners bland 
and pleasant. He was an honest man, and ex- 
pressed himself decidedly and emphatically, but 
never bluntly or vulgarly. He had the organ of 
order very fully developed ; he was one of those who 
have ' a place for everything, and everything in its 
place.' In that respect he differed from that admi- 
rable man, who was his classmate and friend, and 
my friend, — and one whom any one might feel 
proud to call his friend, — John Thornton Kirkland, 
who never had anything in order, but always found 
what was wanted ; whose manuscript sermons in 
the pulpit were in separate pieces, but he alwa3^s 
found the right piece, and that was better than al- 
most any of his brethren could have found in what 
they had written with twice the labour." 
















^L^-- 



l^ a^ 







May 3, ISSl. 




^J<>^^ 




A- 



1786-1814.] WILLIAM EMERSON. 23 1 

Besides numerous sermons on various public 
occasions, and several discourses in the Christian 
Monitor, Emerson wrote and delivered the Fourth 
of July oration in 1802. The " History of First 
Church in Boston " was published posthumously 
in 1 81 2. 

The following character of Rev. Mr. Emerson is 
extracted from Rev. J. S. Buckminster's sermon at 
his funeral : — 

" ' Help, Lord, for the godly man ceaseth ; for the faith- 
ful fail from among the children of men ! ' — Psalm xii. i. 

" TJie godly man ceaseth. The Reverend VVilham Emer- 
son gave early indications of devotedness to the service of 
God. He was a descendant of pious ancestors through 
many generations ; and the only son of one of the most 
popular and promising ministers of Newengland, who 
died early in the american revolution. The mother, who 
survives to mourn ov^er the death of her son, saw him with 
delight soon giving his attention and studies to the word 
and ministry of that God to whom the prayers and wishes 
of his parents had directed his first thoughts. They who 
knew him best during the most trying period of youthful 
virtue bear witness to the singular purity of his mind, ten- 
derness of his conscience, devoutness of his feelings, and 
strictness of his manners ; qualities which, by God's bless- 
ing, age and experience did not diminish, and which his 
christian profession afterwards secured and improved. 

" In one of the longest conversations which I was per- 
mitted to hold with him, a few days before his death, when 
his mind seemed to be lighted up anew, and his faculties 
to collect fresh vigour, he expressed the most grateful and 
pious satisfaction in the circumstance that he, with all his 
father's family, had so early felt the obligations of the gos- 
pel as to give themselves up to Jesus Christ by a profes- 



232 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

sion of his religion. The privilege of being a christian 
then occupied his thoughts ; and he continued to talk with 
unusual animation of the benefits of early communion ; 
and to express his wishes that his eldest son, then at his 
bedside, might not forget early to seek, nor be so unhappy 
as ever to forfeit, this christian privilege. That great arti- 
cle of the christian dispensation, the resurrection from the 
dead, was the frequent theme of his meditations and of his 
publick instructions ; so that his faith was not vain, nor 
his preaching vain ; for his faith was always strong enough 
to render his preaching the expression of his own intimate 
persuasions, and the cheerful employment of his life. 

" Of the practical strength of his faith and piety he was 
permitted to give us a memorable example during that 
sudden attack which he sustained, a few years since, in all 
the fulness of his health and expectations, when he was 
busily preparing for a publick service. Those who then 
saw him brought down in an instant, and without any pre- 
vious warning, to the gates of death, can never forget the 
steadfastness with which he received the alarm, and the 
singular humility and composure with which he waited 
during many days, doubtful of life, and expecting every 
hour to leave all that was dear to him on earth to present 
himself before God. Next to the satisfaction of behaving 
well ourselves in an hour of trial is that of witnessing the 
tranquillity of our friends, and finding that we need not 
fear for their example while flesh and heart is failing, for 
God is the strength of their heart and their portion 
forever. 

" The same steadfastness and tranquil foresight of his 
dissolution God has enabled him to exhibit through the 
whole of the distressing and lingering disorder, of which 
he died. A few hours before his death he overheard some 
conversation respecting those who should pass the night 
with him ; and he summoned strength enough to articulate, 
* God is with me ! ' The crreat interest with which some 



1786-1814-] WILLIAM EMERSON. 233 

persons always watch the last intelligent exercises of a 
spirit which has been warned of its departure was here not 
disappointed. No one could leave his presence without 
a secret consciousness that the collected, intelligent, and 
strong indications which he daily gave of profound sub- 
mission to God's will, and unshaken faith in his gospel, 
were very much to be preferred to the indistinct raptures 
and ejaculations which are so often caught from the lips of 
the dying, where more is supposed to be meant than meets 
the ear, and more is put into the speech than was origi- 
nally contained in the thought. The approach of death 
gave no new colour to his faith; and he has left us a proof 
which will long be remembered, not of the truth indeed, 
but of the power of those principles by which, for nearly 
twenty years, he had preached and practised. 

" He was ^faitJifiil as well as a pious man. Of his fidel- 
ity in his ministerial office you, my hearers, are of course 
better judges than the preacher. But from his extraordi- 
nary correctness of manners, and disposition to method in 
the disposal of his time, great fidelity might be expected 
in what he regarded as his duty; and this sentiment, as 
well as the desire of doing good, would engage so careful 
a mind as his in the punctilious discharge of the duties of 
his profession. The prosperity of this ancient church was 
peculiarly dear to him. He looked back with veneration 
almost unbounded on some of his predecessors here ; and 
while he breathed much of their spirit he successfully 
emulated their merits. He was a happy example of that 
correct and rational style of evangelical preaching of which 
the yet lamented Clarke has left so fair a specimen. Our 
departed brother had long been employed on a history of 
the First Church ; and was engaged in the analysis of the 
works and character of Chauncy when his progress was 
arrested by the disease of which he died ; and he was called 
to join the company of those great and good men whom he 
had before known only in their works, but now face to face. 



234 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

" Such is the constitution of society among us that much 
of the care of our hterary and charitable institutions de- 
volves upon those clergymen who have disposition and 
qualifications for the task. Mr. Emerson's industry, integ- 
rity, accuracy, and fidelity were well known in the numer- 
ous societies of which he was a member. The town has 
lost a diligent observer of its youth and their education; 
the Academy and Historical Society an associate greatly 
interested in their flourishing state ; the University an at- 
tentive overseer. The clergy throughout the country have 
lost a hospitable and liberal brother; his family a most 
careful and excellent father, husband, and master; and his 
friends an honourable and faithful friend. 

" ' O, 'tis well 
With him. But who knows what the coming hour, 
Veil'd in thick darkness, brings for us ? ' " 

In 1803 the church presented a petition to the 
General Court, through Senator John O. Adams, a 
member of the society, asking them to modify the 
law restricting the taxing of pews in Boston to a 
sum not exceeding two shillings per week on the 
highest pew, so as to enable a legal tax to be raised 
on all the pews sufficient to cover parochial expenses. 
As a result of the application the law was changed 
the same year to meet the requirements. 

The last case of church discipline which the record 
mentions occurred in 1804, when "the deacons of the 
church were appointed a committee to wait on and 
seriously admonish a member to return to his duty of 
public attendance on the ordinances of the gospel." 
At the same meeting, " on motion of Brother Deacon 
Morrill, it was voted that all such persons as, hav- 



1786-1814.] WILLIAM EMERSON. 235 

ing been previously members of other churches, 
manifest a desire to become members of our body, 
shall be proposed to the church by the pastor, and 
observe the same form of admission as new can- 
didates." 

In 1807 a portion of the Summer Street property 
u'as sold for the sum of three thousand dollars for 
the purpose of opening a court forty feet wide, on 
the easterly side of the society's land adjoining the 
land of Commodore Preble. 

At the annual meeting of the proprietors on July 
14, 1807, it was decided to sell the Old Brick Meet- 
ing-House, and erect a new meeting-house and 
four brick dwelling-houses on Summer Street, under 
the direction of a committee to be appointed for the 
purpose, and according to the terms and conditions 
which they shall see fit to impose. It was then 
voted that a committee of seven be appointed, with 
full powers to carry out the purposes of the fore- 
ofoingf vote. The committee was then chosen, and 
consisted of the following, namely : Messrs. David 
Tilden, James Morrill, Peter C. Brooks, John Joy, 
Charles Paine, George Blanchard, and Samuel 
Torrey. 

The Building Committee held a meeting at the 
Old Brick Meeting-House Wednesday, Dec. 16, 1807, 
and decided to " adhere to the plan and contract 
made with Mr. Benjamin Joy," and to appoint Mr. 
Asher Benjamin as inspector and superintendent of 
the building operations. 



236 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

The terms of the contract with Mr. Joy, above 
alluded to, provided for a conveyance of the old 
meeting-house property and the payment of ^13,500 
in addition, in consideration of his promise to erect 
a new meeting-house and four brick dwelling-houses 
on the land in Summer Street belonging to First 
Church, in accordance with certain stipulated plans 
and specifications. 

The task of erecting the new meeting-house and 
dwelling-houses seems to have been performed with 
less delay and friction than usually attend such 
operations. Some difference of opinion is almost 
sure to arise where parties are obliged to agree upon 
the meaning of general or doubtful stipulations in 
contracts and specifications. But with the exception 
of one or two cases of slight disagreement, — for in- 
stance, as to the slating of the cupola, the gilding of 
a weather-cock, and the insertion of some refuse 
bricks, all of which appear to have been satisfactorily 
explained and adjusted, — the building of Chauncy 
Place meeting-house proceeded very smoothly. " As 
the temple in Jerusalem ' got itself builded,' to use 
the favorite phrase of the day, without noise of work- 
men's tools, so somehow the house of worship in 
Chauncy Place rose without much calling of meet- 
ings or passing of votes. Mr. Benjamin seems to 
have been told to look after things ; and he did. 
Church and congregation combined covered only 
some seven pages of the record with their action," — 
the latter body " suggesting a steeple, should the 




FOURTH HOUSE OF WORSHIP. 

CHAUNCY PLACE. 
1808. 



1786-1814.] WILLIAM EMERSON. 237 

foundation of the tower alread}^ laid seem to admit 
of it ; adding a word about the ground to be left in 
front of the houses on Summer Street ; but for 
the rest leaving everything to Mr. Joy and Mr. 
Benjamin." ^ 

At a meeting of the church on Feb. 16, 1807, at 
which only nine members were present besides the 
pastor, it was voted to approve of the doings of the 
society in relation to the sale of the strip of land 
for the opening of Chauncy Place, and to instruct 
the deacons to advise with the committee appointed 
by the society to sell the property, or with any 
committee elected " for the purpose of carrying 
into effect the projected alterations in said tract of 
land, and of erecting such buildings and making 
such arrangements " as the society may deem expe- 
dient. 

At a subsequent meeting on Sept. 7, 1807, at 
which only seven members were present besides the 
pastor, the church gave the deacons authority to 
alienate the Old Brick Meeting-House. 

The Boston Chronicle contains the following 
notices of the removal : — 

" T/airsdciy, yuly 21, 1808. — The Weekly Thursday 
Lecture will, we understand, be hqld this Day at the new 
meeting house in Summer Street, when an occasional dis- 
course will be delivered by Rev. Mr. Emerson.^ The 
Dedication services will commence at 1 1 o'clock, A. M." 

' Appendix to " The Last Sermon preached in Fi^rst Church, Chauncy 
Street," by Rufus Ellis (1868). 

- Corporation Records, Vol. L 3. 



2:'8 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [17S6-1814. 



J 



''Monday, yuly 25, 1808. — On Thursday last the work- 
men commenced razing that ancient edifice, the old Brick 
Meeting House. The same day (Thursday) the new 
Meeting House of the First Church in this town, erected 
in Summer Street, was solemnly dedicated. The intro- 
ductory prayer was made by the Rev. Mr. Buckminster; 
the dedicatory prayer by the Rev. Dr. Elliot; the ser- 
mon by the Rev. Mr. Emerson, pastor of the church, 
from Exodus xxxiii. 14; and the concluding prayer 
by the Rev. Dr. Lathrop. The service closed with an 
anthem." 

This last issue of the Chronicle also contains 
various laments in prose and verse at the destruction 
of the old edifice : — 

"Alas ! Old Brick, you 're left in the lurch, 
You bought the Pastor and sold the Church.'''' 

" After the demolition of the old Brick, there is scarcely 
a vestige of antiquity in the town. We hope Old South 
will maintain its original ground. Even the British troops, 
though they attacked other places of worship, never dared 
meddle with the Old Brick, — for Chauncy was there." 

A poem follows, entitled " The Farewell Prayer 
of the Old Brick Church to her True Worshippers." 

In the next issue (July 28) there is " A mournful 
address from the Old Brick Church to the Church 
in Brattle Street." And finally in that of August 
18 appeared " The Old Brick Bell's farewell to the 
Churches in Boston." 

Few persons are now living who can recall with 
any exactness the appearance of the Old Brick 
Meeting-House, either inside or out. The most 



1786-1814] WILLIAM EMERSON. 239 

complete description of the ancient edifice comes 
from Dr. Edward Reynolds, who was actively con- 
nected with First Church for many years. In an 
" interview," which the writer was privileged to have 
with him on Jan. 13, 188 1, the Doctor, then in his 
eighty-eighth year, said : — 

" I was a member of First Church, and my father before 
me. I was baptized by Dr. John Clarke. While the Old 
Brick stood, that was my usual place of worship. At one 
time I sang in the choir at the Old Brick. We sat in the 
gallery, facing the pulpit. Our captain, as we called him, 
was named Carpenter. I have the most distinct recollec- 
tion of the building inside and out. The most noticeable 
feature of the interior was the stove, with its long funnel 
running from the corner near State Street to the rear of 
the building where the hotel now stands. I remember Mr. 
Emerson very well. On one occasion he had read the ser- 
vice, and was about to proceed with the sermon, when he 
discovered that his manuscript had been mislaid. He told 
the congregation that he should be unwilling to pain them 
by preaching without notes ; and to the secret delight, I 
am afraid, of the younger portion of his audience the ser- 
vices closed by singing of a hymn. The pulpit was very 
large and handsome, — we see nothing like it to-day, — 
and was approached by spiral stairways on each side. A 
gallery ran round three sides of the church, and had a 
clock on it, directly opposite the pulpit. This part of the 
house was occupied by the nicer class of domestics, as was 
the case for some years after the removal to Chauncy 
Place. The main entrance to the building was on Wash- 
ington Street, just as it is to-day; and the pulpit stood 
directly opposite. Part of the old wall must be still stand- 
ing. After the removal to Chauncy Place — a change 
which many persons at the time regretted — I attended 



240 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

services for quite a number of years under Dr. Frothing- 
ha'm, a classmate of mine both at the Latin School and in 
Harvard College, and always my intimate friend and asso- 
ciate through life," 

The clay before Christmas, 1880, the writer called 
upon the venerable widow of the late Dr. Jacob Big- 
elow, then nearly ninety. Though not a member 
of First Church at any period, she was able to give 
me a distinct and accurate description of the old 
building: — 

" You know," she said, " that was the church where 
they always had Thursday Lecture. Everybody went to 
it in those days. My father attended Dr. Eckley's [Old 
South] Church. He died in 1809; and then our family 
occupied a pew with the family of William S. Shaw in Fed- 
eral Street Church. 

" The Old Brick Meeting-House stood just where Joy's 
Building stands to-day, only it did not cover quite so 
much ground. There was a passage-way running com- 
pletely round it, just as it is to-day. It was built of brick, 
but not of the kind (red brick) they use now. The inside 
was square and very plain, the walls and ceilings being 
painted white. There was a broad alley up the middle, 
and two side alleys. On each side of the middle alley 
were double rows of pews. There were also wall pews, 
consisting of a row on each side of the pulpit, and one on 
the right and left of the church as you entered. They had 
cushions in them, but otherwise very plain, and, as I 
remember, without any ornamentation whatsoever. The 
pulpit was square, — that of the Old South was tub-like, — 
with the usual sounding-board, and was approached by a 
stairway on each side. There was a gallery running all the 
way round. The singers sat there, in the front pew, facing 



1786-1814-] WILLIAM EMERSON. 24 1 

the pulpit. They had no organ as I remember. The gen- 
eral appearance of the church was plainer even than that 
of Chauncy Place." 

Mrs. Mary Anna Woodward, eighty-six years old 
on March 6, 1881, who in her younger days (until 
about 1 828) was a resident of Dorchester, Mass., writes 
from Palmyra, N. Y., Feb. 20, 1881, as follows : — 

" I was never in the Old Brick Church but once, and 
that was to attend the Thursday Lecture. Of course, I 
can give no detailed description of the old church; but 
the Governor's pew — so they called it — attracted my at- 
tention, being near where I sat. It was a large double- 
sized pew, raised above the rest about two feet, with a can- 
opy which was surrounded by chintz hangings, festooned 
and trimmed with fringe. There were no long curtains at- 
tached. Faded and time-worn, it still plainly showed what 
it had been in its day. The old church, or at least the 
walls, had not been disturbed when I visited ' Dow's Long 
Room,' which occupied the passage through in 18 12. This 
was the cheap store of Boston, where, among other articles, 
they had a great show of ' indispensables,' then called ' ret- 
icules.' This shop had a counter running the whole length 
on one side, where salesmen were stationed. You entered 
the narrow passage at one end of the church, made your 
purchase, and passed out at the other end. Dow's shop 
was a part of the old church, and the doors, which we 
passed through on entering and leaving the Long Room, 
belonged to the church. It was a cheap affair, but patron- 
ized by the very best class of customers." 

Mr. William Hayden, for a long time chairman 
of the Standing Committee of First Church, wrote 
as follows of the Old Brick at the time of the 
removal from Chauncy Place : — 

16 



242 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1814. 

" I remember the old church, then famiharly known as 
the Old Brick, which occupied the present position of 
Joy's Building on Cornhill Square. I attended church 
there, in company with my parents, from 1800 up to 1808, 
when it was taken down; and its external and internal 
structure are well remembered, even to the pew which we 
occupied. The noise and dust of the great thoroughfare 
— now Washington Street, then Cornhill — were even then 
so great as to render the location unsuitable as a place of 
worship, and the project of removal to Summer Street was 
agitated. The change, though determined upon by the 
majority, was vehemently opposed by some of the wor- 
shippers, and, among others, by the Hon. Benjamin Aus- 
tin, a well-known political leader of the Democratic party, 
and editor of the Chronicle, the Democratic organ of those 
days. He was the father of Charles Austin, who was killed 
by Selfridge, in State Street, in 1806. Mr. Austin's oppo- 
sition to the removal of the church extended so far as to 
lead him to terminate his connection with it, and I think 
he never attended at Chauncy Place. He wrote some 
verses bewailing the fate of the old church, of which the 
first two lines are all that I remember, running thus: — 

" ' Farewell, Old Brick, — Old Brick, farewell ; 
You bought your minister and sold your bell.' " 

The taxes upon the pews In the new meeting- 
house in Chauncy Place ranged from twelve to 
twenty-four cents per week, the whole amount being 
$36.63, Out of one hundred and thirty-four pews, 
one hundred and fourteen were owned and occupied 
at the opening of the new house. The Theological 
Library was placed in the vestry. The parsonage was 
on the corner of Summer Street and Chauncy Place. 

After the death of Emerson, which occurred less 



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1786-1814.] JOHN LOVEJOY ABBOT. 243 

than three years after the removal from Cornhill, 
the society remained for nearly two years without 
any settled minister. 

John Lovejoy Abbot, of Andover, was then in- 
vited to preach as a candidate for the five Sundays 
in May, 181 3. During that month he was unani- 
mously elected pastor of First Church by vote of 
the society. This choice was confirmed by the 
vote of the brethren on May 23, which gave 
John L. Abbot fifty-six votes, Joseph McKean ten, 
and Francis Parkman seven. He was ordained 
July 14, 18 1 3. "Introductory prayer by Rev. Mr. 
Thacher; Sermon by Rev. Professor Ware; Con- 
secrating prayer by Rev. Dr. Lathrop; Charge 
by Rev. President Kirkland ; Fellowship of the 
Churches by Rev. Charles Lowell ; Concluding 
prayer by Rev. Mr. Parker, of Portsmouth. The 
members composing the Ecclesiastical Council, 
with the professors, tutors, and residents of Har- 
vard University, also the Episcopal clergy and 
Baptist ministers of the town, with all the clergy 
of the Boston association, with a large number of 
invited guests, and the proprietors of pews in First 
Church, dined at Concert Hall. The whole was 
conducted with decency and in order. 

" Sam Bradford, ClerkT 

The ministry of Mr. Abbot was of short duration. 
He had scarcely entered upon his duties when the 
state of his health obliged him to desist. 



244 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1786-1S14. 

LIFE OF ABBOT. 

John Lovejoy Abbot, eldest son of John Lovejoy 
and Phoebe Abbot, was born in Andover, Mass., 
Nov. 29, 1783. His father, who was a farmer, was 
desirous that his son should pursue the same calling, 
but did not press his wishes when he saw that his 
mind was bent on securing a liberal education. 
After a preparatory course at Phillips Academy, 
Andover, he entered Harvard College at the age of 
seventeen, and graduated with honor in 1805. ^^ 
then returned home, and became a student of the- 
ology under Rev. Jonathan French, who at that 
time preached for the society of which his parents 
were members. Soon afterwards he obtained an 
appointment as proctor at Harvard, in order to pur- 
sue his studies under Dr. Ware, the successor of 
Dr. Tappan, as professor of theology at Cambridge. 
In 1807 Mr. Abbot was appointed reader in the 
Episcopal church in Cambridge, and held the office 
for a year. He was made librarian of the College 
in 181 1, and continued in that capacity for two 
years. Meanwhile he had been licensed to preach 
in 1808, and had frequently supplied vacant pulpits 
in the neighborhood. 

After accepting the call of First Church to 
become the successor of Mr. Emerson, in 1813, 
he was married, October 24, to Elizabeth Bell, 
daughter of Thomas and Elizabeth (Bell) Warland, 
of Cambridge. He preached a few Sundays only 



1786-1S14.] JOHN LOVEJOY ABBOT. 245 

after his ordination, when a wasting consumption 
obliged him to cease from labors which were 
never afterwards resumed. His request for a tem- 
porary relaxation from work met with a ready re- 
sponse from the society. The following votes were 
immediately and unanimously passed : — 

" Oct. 17, 1 8 13. A letter was communicated from 
Rev. Mr. Abbot respecting the ill state of his health : 
Whereupon 

" Voted, unanimously, That this Church and Congrega- 
tion are deeply afflicted, and sincerely regret the indispo- 
sition and ill state of health of their revered and beloved 
Pastor; and they recommend that he comply with the 
advice of his physicians with respect to a contemplated 
voyage or journey. 

" Voted, That the Standing Committee be requested to 
inform the Rev. Pastor of the above vote, and to aid him in 
suitable arrangements for the same. 

" Voted, That the expenses of supplying the pulpit be 
paid by the Society during the absence of the Rev. Mr. 
Abbot, and that his salary be continued." 

Besides a copy of these votes, the following letter 
was sent to Mr. Abbot: — 

Boston, Oct. 18, 1813. 

Rev. John L. Abbot. 

Dear Sir, — Your letter of the 17th inst., communi- 
cated to the First Church and Society, was presented 
yesterday, and by them received with the most sincere 
sentiments of respect, sympathy, and affection ; and whilst 
they bow with submission to the Providence of God in his 
dispensation which is about to separate the Pastor from 
his flock, we hope, with the blessing of God, for the re- 
covery and establishment of your health, and that we may 



246 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTOxN. [1786-1814. 

have mutual cause to sing of mercy and of judgment. We 
enclose a copy of the Votes of the Society, and in behalf 
of the Standing Committee are, Rev. and dear Sir, with 
sentiments of esteem and respect, 

Your friends and obedient servants, 

David Tilden, > ^ 
James Morrill, > 

Mr. Abbot sailed from New Bedford for Portugal 
Nov. 29, 18 1 3, and after six months' absence reached 
home June 10, 18 14. The return voyage was so 
long and rough as to deprive him of any benefit 
from his foreign travels ; and finding himself unable 
to resume preaching, he went to Brighton to spend 
the summer. 

After a long and painful struggle he gradually 
came to realize that it was hopeless to think of re- 
suming his labors, and early in October seriously 
reflected on resigning his charge. During that 
month he spent a few days in the family of Peter 
C. Brooks at Medford. He next visited his home in 
Andover, driving most of the way himself in a 
chaise from Brighton (a distance of twenty miles), 
and arrived at his destination in cheerful spirits. 
He seemed to be equally well the following day un- 
til evening, when his condition was such as to cause 
the greatest alarm. From this time he gradually 
declined until early in the morning of Oct. 17, 
18 14, when he quietly breathed his last. In ac- 
cordance with the request of his parishioners he 
was buried from Chauncy Place meeting-house, the 
sermon being preached by Edward Everett, then 



1786-1814] JOHN LOVEJOY ABBOT. 247 

pastor of the church in Brattle Square. The dis- 
course delivered on this occasion, together with a 
monody to his memory by J. Lathrop, Jr., were pub- 
lished. He was buried at Andover, Mass. 

As a preacher Mr. Abbot had very little opportu- 
nity to exercise his gifts. While studying for the 
ministry at Cambridge he preached several sermons 
before a religious society of which he was a mem- 
ber. These were generally of a " serious and prac- 
tical nature," avoiding topics which would lead to 
controversy. But on one occasion at least, in a ser- 
mon before the Theological Society in Cambridge, 
delivered April 26, 1809, he departed from this rule, 
selecting for his subject the " Worship of Christ," 
and enforcing the negative side of the argument. It 
would appear from this that his views had changed 
in some respects since he was appointed reader in 
the Episcopal church in Cambridge. Of the par- 
ticular type of Unitarianism which he favored noth- 
incr more definite can be stated than that his views 
are said to have been " in substantial accordance 
W'ith those of Dr. Channing a^ that period^ As 
a pastor, the ties in which he was bound to his 
society during his brief ministry were very strong. 

Mr. Abbot died without issue. His widow mar- 
ried Dr. Manning, of Cambridge, and died March 
4, 1880, at the age of ninety-four years and eight 
months. 

In the twenty-nine years ending with 18 14, two 
hundred and fifteen persons signed the covenant. 



248 first' church in boston. [1786-1814. 

During the same space the number of baptisms was 
five hundred and eighty-two, of which two hundred 
and ninety-nine were males, and two hundred and 
seventy-eight females, besides five whose sex is 
unknown.^ 

It appears that the version of the Psalms called 
Tate and Brady was used by the church until 
superseded, probably, by Rev. William Emerson's 
collection. In 1808 the pastor published "A Se- 
lection of Psalms and Hymns, embracing all the 
Varieties of Subject and Metre suitable for Private 
Devotion and the Worship of Churches." It does 
not appear from the records whether this book was 
used in the service of the church. It would seem 
strange if such were not the case, however; for 
apart from the consideration due to the author, the 
work commends itself as one prepared with great 
care and discrimination. In his preface Mr. Emer- 
son says : " Lastly, prefixing to each psalm and 
hymn the name of a tune well composed and judi- 
ciously chosen, is an evident and valuable auxiliary 
to musical bands, and conduces to the perfection of 
sacred harmony. No American hymn-book has hith- 
erto offered this aid to the performers of psal^nodyT 

The book of " Hymns for the Christian Church," 
now in use, comprises some two hundred and fifty 
selections from the " Psalter," while the remainder 
were gathered from other sources by the pastor. 

1 " Five children of Richard and Venus Dodge, blacks," A. D. 1S09. 



CHAPTER VII. 

1815-1849. 

NATHANIEL LANGDON FROTHINGHAM. 

Disappointments in the Parish. — The Death of Mr. Emerson and of 
Mr. Abbot. — The New Building not Satisfactory, and the Removal 
complained of by Many. — Call of Mr. Frothingham. — Sketch of 
his Life and Character. — His Return to his Pulpit, and his Last 
Words on several Occasions there and elsewhere. — His Blind- 
ness. — His Rare Scholarship. — His Hymns. — Many Tributes to 
his Gifts as a Man of Letters, and to his Constancy as a Preacher 
and Pastor. — Funeral Services. — Resolutions of the Church. — 
Memoir by Dr. Hedge. — The Ministry of Dr. Frothingham. — 
The Unitarian Controversy, and his Comparative Indifference to it. 
— Exciting Topics. — Real Estate of the Church. — The Music. — 
Half Way Covenant Dispensed with. — Sunday School. — Congre- 
gation Incorporated. — Two Hundredth Anniversary. — Transcen- 
dentalism. — The Minister's Relation to it. — Christian Psalter. — 
Meeting-House Reconstructed. — Resignation of Dr. Frothing- 
ham, and Church Action thereon. — Baptisms and Admissions to 
the Church. 

^ I ^HE society had seen many distracting changes 
during the few years that had elapsed since 
they ceased to worship in the Old Brick. There 
was the removal from Cornhill, to many persons a 
source of deep regret ; then the loss of Mr. Emerson 
in the very fulness of his powers ; and finally, after a 
vacancy of nearly two years, the short and intermit- 
tent ministry of Mr. Abbot. A better day, however, 



250 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

was at hand. The society soon made choice of one 
who was to remain their minister for an extended 
period. 

Shortly after the death of Mr. Abbot, Mr. Na- 
thaniel Langdon Frothingham received a unanimous 
call to fill the pulpit. The date of his election is 
Feb. 26, 181 5, and seems to have been the imme- 
diate result of an invitation extended to him in De- 
cember, 1814, to preach four Sundays "in January 
next." ^ His letter of acceptance was read after after- 
noon service, February 12, by Dr. Lowell. His ordi- 
nation took place March 15, 18 15. Professor Ware 
offered the introductory prayer ; sermon, by Rev. 
Joseph McKean ; consecrating prayer, by Rev. Wil- 
liam E. Channing; charge, by Rev. John Lathrop; 
fellowship of the churches, by Rev. S. C. Thacher; 
concluding prayer, by Rev. Francis Parkman. The 
council, clergy, and others dined, after the exercises, 
at Concert Hall. 

We note a transition from ancient to modern 
usage in the issue of special cards of invitation to 
the ceremony of ordination. Instead of a general 
participation in that observance, as was the custom 
when Church and State were blended, the growth 
of population and increase in the number of churches 
of other denominations had combined to diminish 
its glory as a public occasion, and to give to the 
ceremony more of the nature of an assembly of 
those who were in special sympathy with it. 

^ Corporation Records, Vol. I. 16. 



1815-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 25 1 



The Committee of the FIRST CHURCH AND SOCf- 
ETY in Boston if quest the favour of your conjpany at the 

ORDINATION 

OF 

MR* N. L,. FROTHINGHAM5 

on Wednesday, the I5ih ins.t. 

The Services will rommence at 1 1 o'clock, A. M. After the 
Solemnities of the Day, your company is requested, to dme with 
tbt Committee, at Concert-Hall 

JAMES MORRILL. > „ 
WILLIAM bMilHo ^'""'"*'^^^- 
Boston, March 6, 1815. 



Admit 

To tie dinner provided for the REV, COJ^T- 
GREGATIOJSrAL CLERGY^ at ConeeH Hall, on 
Thursday, Is* June, 

JAMES MORRILL, } 

B EN J A M !>• WE LD, ) Cmwrntlee 

THOMAS K. JONES. ) 

Dinner on Table at 2 o'clock. 



252 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1S15-49. 



LIFE OF FROTHINGHAM. 

Nathaniel Langdon, son of Ebenezer and Joanna 
(Langdon) Frothingham, was bom in Boston, July 
23, 1793. In early boyhood he showed scholarly 
tastes and unusual intellectual promise. He en- 
tered the Boston Public Latin School in 1803 
with Edward Everett, Charles P. Curtis, William 
T. Andrews,, and Edward Reynolds. After pursu- 
ing the regular course at that institution in a highly 
creditable manner he was admitted to Harvard Col- 
lege in 1807 at the age of fourteen. His college 
life is thus described by his classmate and friend, 
Rev. Dr. Allen, of Northborough : — 

" Dr. Frothingham was one of my most intimate friends 
in college, and our intimacy and friendship lasted through 
life. He was one of the younger members of the class ; 
and although from the first a diligent student and a good 
scholar, it was not, I think, till his third year that he gained 
a high rank among his fellow-students. But at the close 
of his college course he was surpassed by very few ; and 
as a reward of distinguished merit an English Oration 

— Out of the usual course — was assigned him for Com- 
mencement. He was an elegant classical scholar, a fine 
writer in prose and verse ; and in elocution he was sur- 
passed by none of his classmates, not excepting Ed- 
ward Everett. He was a great favorite — almost a pet 

— of Dr. McKean, the Professor of Rhetoric, who seemed 
to regard him as a model orator. Through his college 
life he maintamed an irreproachable character, and was 
highly esteemed by his classmates, who, without jealousy 
or envy, watched his progress, and were proud of his 
fame." 






^^r^^^cc^c.^,^^^ 




ISI5-49-] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAAI. 25:5 

After graduating in 181 1, and serving as usher in 
the Boston Latin School until May, 181 2, he ac- 
cepted the appointment of preceptor of rhetoric 
and oratory at Harvard, an office for wh.ich his fine 
tastes and large acquirements in that department 
eminently fitted him, although then only nineteen 
years of age. His duties in this capacity were not 
exacting, and did not interfere with the pursuit of 
those studies which were to fit him for a more 
devoted calling. He received the degree of A. M. 
in course in 18 14, and his connection with the 
College ceased with the call to First Church in 
1815. 

The first entries on his " Ministerial Record " are 
as follows : — 

"Jan. 23, 1815. By an unanimous vote of the mem- 
bers of First Church of Christ, in Boston, I was invited to 
become their pastor. 

" Jan. 26. By an unanimous vote of the Brethren of 
the First Church and Congregation I was chosen for their 
pastor. 

"Feb. 12. My answer accepting the charge, to which 
the preceding votes had called me, was read by the Rev. 
]Mr. Lowell to the First Church and Congregation. 

" Eleven weeks elapsed between my invitation to preach 
at Chauncy Place and my call to settle there. During this 
time I supplied the desk and preached in that church six- 
teen discourses. In the interval between my invitation and 
my ordination I supplied the pulpit by exchange." 

In 1 818 Dr. Frothingham married Ann Gorham 
Brooks, sister of the late Peter C. Brooks, who, like 



254 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

his distinguished father of the same name, was a 
lifelong and honored member of First Church. His 
wife was also a sister of Mrs. Edward Everett and 
Mrs. Charles Francis Adams, the latter of whom is 
the sole survivor of her generation. After a long 
and singularly devoted ministry, relieved in the ear- 
lier part by a year of foreign travel, Dr. Frothing- 
ham, finding his bodily strength would no longer 
bear the strain, made a second visit to Europe in 
1849. On his return the same year, with health 
still much impaired, he found it necessary to re- 
siofn his charQ-e. Thouo-h relieved of all ministe- 
rial responsibility, his connection with the society 
as a parishioner was never severed. His friendly 
advice was sought and given on all occasions, though 
he took part in the public services of the church in 
only one instance. The present minister thus re- 
calls this memorable occasion : — 

" Sunday morning, on the 22d of June, 1862, Dr. Froth- 
ingham came once more into his old pulpit, to the great 
satisfaction of his former parishioners, i Cor. vii. 29, 30, 
31, supplied the text. 'Time and Eternity' was the sub- 
ject. We measure life, in the body and out of the body, 
by what we do and bear, by what we endeavor and suffer 
and enjoy. ' I see no clock,' he said, ' in that Divine 
House.' The sermon was exquisitely tender, the language 
such as fell, according to my experience, from no other 
lips, — for, as I have often had occasion to say, there were 
words and phrases of this preacher and talker that have 
perished with him ; to use one of the old ecclesiastical 
phrases, as there was a ' Use of Sarum ' or of ' Canter- 
bury,' so there was a * Use of the Minister of First Church 



i8i5-49-] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 255 

from 1814 to 1850" which was characteristic and peculiar. 
Dr. Frothingham by this time was almost bUnd ; and his 
sermon was not read, though it was written upon paper, — 
a transcript, I suppose, of what had already been written 
upon the inner tablets ; just as he would fasten the stanza 
of a German hymn in his mind, and carry it with him in 
his morning walk with his faithful companion, sure to 
bring it back in musical English verse. Dr. Frothingham, 
wonderful talker as he w^as, and rich in resources of learn- 
ing and thought and imagination, would not trust himself 
to extemporaneous preaching. He once told me that he 
'always dreaded to face an audience;' and he could not 
add to his discomfort the dread of falling into some cru- 
dity or slovenliness of speech, which, however, would have 
been least likely to have befallen him of all men. If he 
could have been persuaded to have burned his ships be- 
hind him, and put out to sea, I am sure that his preaching 
would have gained in popularity without losing any of its 
intrinsic value. It was over fine, sometimes, for daily use, 
and he was hindered by the manuscript behind which he 
tried to shelter himself. Many persons who have read his 
sermons since they heard them have been surprised to 
find how much they missed while they only listened. The 
sermon of which I am writing was all the more effective 
because the preacher was compelled, by his poor vision, to 
preach it. The minister's rare taste appeared, as during 
the years of his pastorate, in the hymns and the music. 
The sermon was repeated on the two Sundays following, 
first at West Church, and then at King's Chapel. Dr. 
Frothingham was all these years as faithful a parishioner 
as he had been minister; and, as all know, in this world 
of diversities of men's judgments, and changes in ways and 
means, it is not easy to pass gracefully from the pul- 
pit to the pews, and resign your work to less skilled hands. 
Until disease had put his mind beyond his reach and con- 
trol he had a wonderful faculty of keeping his own coun- 



256 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

sel when he was unable, as he often must have been, to 
assent and sympathize. What he was to the minister 
during his earUer years in the neighborhood of street and 
city, and afterwards while this destined successor was at 
best a boy preacher, that he continued to be when, largely 
under his auspices and at his suggestion, he was called 
from Northampton to undertake the charge of the old 
church at a time of denominational transition and even 
controversy between new and old, and right wing and 
left wing. Although the new house of worship was for 
the old minister too much a ' cathedral,' and too little 
a ' meeting-house,' he was none the less ready to con- 
tribute a beautiful hymn for the service of laying the 
corner-stone. 

" His last appearance in the pulpit was at the impromptu 
meeting in Hollis Street Church on the day of the assas- 
sination of President Lincoln, His remarkable prayer on 
that occasion will never be forgotten by those who heard 
it. Beautiful, fitting, and appropriate in itself, his blindness 
gave added pathos to his heartfelt devotion." 

After his retirement from public life Dr. Froth- 
ingham devoted himself to literary tasks, producing 
at this late period some of his most finished per- 
formances. In 1852 he sent to press a volume en- 
titled " Sermons in the Order of a Twelvemonth," 
" containing some of the best of his professional 
discourses, all of which breathe a lofty strain of 
Christian thought and sentiment," and are beauti- 
fied by that singular grace of diction so character- 
istic of his writings. In 1855 appeared a volume 
of his poems under the title of " Metrical Pieces," 
W'hich, in spite of their modest designation, places 
the author on the higher level of American poets. 



I815-49-] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 257 

In the spring of 1S59, accompanied by his famil)^, 
he made a third and final visit to Europe, returning, 
after an absence of a year and a half, in November, 
i860. He had scarcely reached home when his 
eyesight, never perfect, began seriously to fail ; 
and marked " symptoms of glaucoma," which had 
afflicted other members of his family, seemed to fore- 
bode an entire loss of vision. This unhappy condi- 
tion was realized four years later, following close 
upon a sad bereavement which deprived him of his 
dearly cherished wife. The effect of a painful oper- 
ation on his eyes, performed in the summer of 1864, 
instead of enlarging his feeble vision, as was hoped, 
hastened on the pending gloom, and finally left him 
for the last six years of his life in utter darkness. 

But five at least of these "darkened years " were 
not devoid of intellectual vision. With the help of 
one who well performed the varied offices of secretary, 
friend, and nurse, he continued his labors, arranging 
his papers, dictating poems, translating German 
hymns, and composing material for a second volume 
of " Metrical Pieces," which, however, did not go 
through the press until the workman had become 
incapable of all interest in the work. His declin- 
ing years were cheered and lightened by " troops 
of friends." Nothing was wanting which might 
help to relieve the burdens of old age. He en- 
joyed " the sound of familiar voices when familiar 
faces beamed on him in vain," and conversed " with 
unimpaired faculty and zest until nearly the last 

17 



258 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

year of his life." " In my frequent visits to him," 
writes Dr. Allen, " in the ' evil days ' 'which came 
upon him after the external world was shut out from 
his sight, I always found him bright and cheerful, 
fond of recalling the scenes of our college life and 
the memory of departed classmates and friends, 
and thankful for the blessings that still remained." 
The same writer, alluding to " a prominent trait of 
Dr. Frothingham's character," says : " I have per- 
sonal knowledge of his kindness and generosity, for 
I have been the almoner of his bounty ; and I know 
that some — I believe that many — recall his acts 
of kindness and bless his memory." The last few 
months of his life were burdened with a load " which 
leaned too hardly on his weakened frame, and shut 
out every prospect but that of the great Beyond." 
He died on Monday, April 4, 1870. The following 
extract is taken from an obituar}^ notice by the Rev. 
T. B. Fox, which appeared in the Boston Transcript 
on the same day : — 

" Rev. Nathaniel Langdon Frothingham, D. D., died at 
his residence in Newbury Street, Monday morning, at two 
o'clock, receiving thus a blessed relief from a protracted 
and painful sickness. Though for several years he has 
been a sufferer in the seclusion of the sick-chamber, and 
out of the sight of all but a few friends and those who 
ministered to him with unwearied, filial devotion, he has- 
not been out of the minds and the hearts of the many who 
highly esteemed and greatly loved him ; and sincere sor- 
row will be mingled with the feeling that his departure was 
ordered in mercy. 



I8I5-49-] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 259 

" Quietly devoted to his professional duties, Dr. Froth- 
ingham's life- was uneventful, for it was the life of the stu- 
dent and the man of letters. His learning was various and 
accurate ; and he was honored for his acquirements, as 
well as for the high order of his intellectual gifts. In so- 
cial converse he was the coveted teacher and companion 
of our best thinkers and scholars. His interest and delight 
in literary pursuits continued unabated when others, suffer- 
ing from infirmities and pains like his, would have aban- 
doned their books and pens, and felt that even to listen to 
reading was a luxury to be given up. Whilst sickness 
allowed him to work, he was never idle. 

" Dr. Frothingham published several volumes of prose 
and poetry; and to the Christian Examiner, the North 
American Review, and several other periodicals, he fre- 
quently contributed articles of rare excellence, both as to 
their substance and their form. His style was singularly 
pure and rich, showing a finish and correctness in eloquent 
paragraphs and exquisite sentences quite unrivalled. His 
exaction and fastidiousness as a critic of the writings of 
others were severely applied to his own productions ; and 
hence the polish, erudition, solid brilliancy, lofty sentiment, 
and thoughtfulness, which have put them among the best 
specimens of American literature. 

" Of Dr. Frothingham as a man it is hardly necessary to 
speak, in this community, to those of his own day and 
generation, or to those younger than himself, whose privi- 
lege it was to meet him and enjoy intercourse with him. 
Courteous, genial, hospitable, liberal in his conservatism, 
catholic in his judgments, free from all petty envies and 
jealousies, without ostentation, and scorning loud or mere 
professions, there was about him a winning charm that 
made his presence and his speech ever welcome to all." 

The following resolutions were adopted as an ex- 
pression of the general feeling of sorrow and sym- 



26o FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

pathy called forth among his old parishioners by 
his decease : — 

Inasmuch as it has pleased Almighty God to take to 
himself, after an unusually protracted season of privation 
and extreme bodily suffering, their late beloved Pastor, 
Rev'' Nathaniel Langdon Frothingham, the Standing Com- 
mittee of the First Church, feeling most desirous of putting 
on record an expression of their loving sense of his in- 
estimable worth, and of their tender sympathy with him 
during the years of suffering in which he has been with- 
drawn from personal communion with most of them, do 
hereby 

Resolve, That in the decease of Dr. Frothingham the 
Christian church in Boston has lost an able, earnest, and 
eloquent disciple. 

Resolved, That as his immediate associates we deplore 
his loss as of an eminently social and genial companion, a 
kindly sympathetic friend and Christian teacher, but re- 
joice to find consolation in his own beautiful words, — 

" He 's gone before, where pain is past, 
Nor danger threats, nor grief corrodes ; 
And joy is full, and treasures last. 
In those immortal 'many abodes.' " 

Resolved, That during the long hours of irremediable 
pain and mysterious trial which have clouded the last years 
of our departed friend, the hearts of the congregation 
have been constantly turned in tender sympathy towards 
him, only too conscious of their inability to offer him any 
other alleviation. 

Resolved, That by the decease of Dr. Frothingham the 
literary world has been deprived of " a scholar, and a 
ripe and good one, exceeding wise, fair spoken, and per- 
suading," and a sacred poet, whose melodies will long 
preserve his memory among men. 



1815-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 26 1 

Resolved, That we will attend the funeral services in 
honor of our departed friend at the F'irst Church this 
afternoon. 

Resolved, That these Resolutions be placed on the Rec- 
ords of the First Church, and that a copy be transmitted 
to the family of the deceased, with the assurances of our 
most affectionate sympathy in this hour of their great 
bereavement. 

Signed, N. Thayer, \ 

S. L. Abbot, [ Committee. 
T. Sargent, ) 

In a letter, dated April 3, 1870, and read from the 
pulpit to the church and congregation on the Sunday 
before his departure for Europe, the present pastor 
thus refers to the recent death of Dr. Frothingham: — 

" I had written so far, and had reached, as I supposed, 
the end ; but presently the word came to me that one, for 
more than thirty years your minister, after a long and ex- 
ceedingly trying illness, had laid down the burden of age 
and infirmity and passed into the Light. Let me grate- 
fully bear my testimony to many offices of love, my expe- 
riences of his genial and affectionate nature, from the 
time of my earliest manhood to the years when the pastor 
became a parishioner, upon whose loyalty in word and 
work I could always confidently rely. Many to whom he 
ministered in this congregation have passed on before 
him, but there are those who fondly recall his long day of 
service, and rejoice for him that years which had become 
labor and sorrow are ended. Taught beyond most in 
his chosen profession, he was a lover of all good learning, 
ancient and modern ; a man of a reverent and trustful 
spirit, seeking the things which make for peace, not using 
the words, that came so apt from his lips, for criticism, but 
rather to discharcje the debt of love." 



262 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

Funeral services were held in First Church on 
the following Wednesday (April 6). Selections 
from the Scriptures were read by Dr. Gannett ; and 
Dr. George E. Ellis offered the prayer in the ab- 
sence of the pastor, who was prevented by illness 
from attending the services. Dr. Hedge, the me- 
morialist of Dr. Frothingham, also delivered a funeral 
address. He was buried in Burlington, Mass. 

The Journal of the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety (1869-70), of which Dr. Frothingham was a 
member, contains tributes to his memory by the 
president, the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, and by the 
Rev. Dr. Walker. 

In allusion to his pastoral labors Dr. Hedge says, 
in his memoir of Dr. Frothingham : — 

" Of his success in this connection there are many wit- 
nesses. He attached to himself a strong and united parish, 
to which he ministered long enough to see one generation 
of worshippers pass and another take their place ; long 
enough to teach the children of those whom as children 
he had taught and baptized. His * congregation at the 
First Church,' says one of the notices that followed his 
death, ' included a large number of scholars and writers, 
among whom were Edward Everett, William H. Prescott, 
George Bancroft, Joseph T. Buckingham, Henry T. Tuck- 
erman, Charles Francis Adams, and Charles Sprague.' " 

In his funeral sermon Dr. Hedge, referring to the 
same subject, says : — 

" To the duties of that [pastoral] office he gave the 
strength and marrow of his life, suffering no literary avo- 
cation — though a lover of letters — to divert his thoughts 



I8IS-49-] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 263 

or disengage his affections from the work of the ministry, 
— subordinating all other tastes and pursuits to that su- 
preme call." 

" As a preacher," Dr. Hedge continues in the same dis- 
course, " he could hardly be said to be popular. Exces- 
sive refinement, want of rapport with the common mind, 
precluded those homely applications of practical truth 
which take the multitude. Nor did he feel sufficient inter- 
est in doctrinal theology to satisfy those who craved sys- 
tematic instruction in that line. His reputation, therefore, 
was less extended than intense. The circle of his admirers 
was small ; but those who composed it listened to him 
with enthusiastic delight. When, occasionally, he preached 
to us students at the University from the pulpit of the col- 
lege chapel, there was no one, I think, to whom we listened 
with attention more profound, and, for myself I can say, 
with richer intellectual profit. The poetic beauty of his 
thought, the pointed aptness of his illustrations, the truth 
and sweetness of the sentiment, the singular and sometimes 
quaint selectness, with nothing inflated or declamatory in 
it, of the language, won my heart, and made him my 
favorite among the preachers of that day. I will not mis- 
praise him when dead, whom, living, I could not flatter. I 
am well aware, and was even then aware, that the preach- 
ing of our friend did not satisfy the class of minds to 
which Channing, in his way, and Walker and Ware and 
Lowell so ably ministered in theirs ; but preaching has 
other legitimate and important functions besides those of 
unfolding the philosophy of religion, or stimulating the 
moral sense. There are ' differences of gifts,' and there 
are ' diversities of operations ; ' but the same spirit goes 
with all earnest effort in the service of truth, and is justified 
in all." 

His memorialist then alludes to what he justly 
esteems a most excellent work of Dr. Frothing- 



264 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49- 

ham. As coming from one so abundantly able to 
testify, the opinion, which is here quoted, has pecul- 
iar weight. He says : — 

"One service Dr. Frothingham has rendered to the 
Church and the cause of religion, in which he is unsur- 
passed by any preacher of his connection, — perhaps I 
may say by any American preacher of his time. I speak 
of his hymns, which will live, I beheve, — I am sure they 
deserve to live, — as long as any hymns in our collection. 
His musical tact, his intimate knowledge of the exigencies 
of vocalism, combining with his poetic faculty, have added, 
in those hymns of his, to devout aspiration and pure relig- 
ious sentiment, the perfection of melody." 

" As a scholar," says Dr. Hedge, " he had in his profes- 
sion no superior, scarcely a rival. A learned theologian, 
familiar with the Latin and Greek classics, well versed in 
the modern languages and their literatures, — in richness 
and extent of intellectual culture he stood pre-eminent 
among his brethren." 

• Few professional men have attained to such ex- 
quisite finish in their style of composition as Dr. 
Frothingham brought to all, even the most trifling 
subjects. He had a rare faculty of shaping his 
thoughts so as to "express with unerring fitness the 
thing most fit to be expressed." In his own poetical 
productions, as well as in translations from German 
authors, this exquisite taste is displayed to the best 
advantage. " His best thoughts took on a poetical 
form, and could vent themselves in no other way." 
"His versions from other tongues, and especially 
from the rich stores of German song, are acknowl- 
edged by competent judges to be the most success- 



I8IS-49-] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 265 

ful attempts in that kind." His original productions 
are, many of them, " such as the best esteemed poet 
in the land might be proud to own." ^ 

The late beloved minister of this church began 
his duties at a time of intense religious excitement. 
On all sides the forces were preparing for that 
struggle which ended in the partition of the Con- 
gregational body. The time to hold back from a 
dread of disturbing the peace of the churches had 
gone by. 

" Non sunt orandi ista sed litigandi tempora." 

Chauncy and Mayhew had prepared the way in a 
former century, but now the dawn of a new era saw 
young men taking up the calling of preachers with 
added enthusiasm and distinctively practical aims. 
Who can say what the result " might have been " 
had Buckminster, of Brattle Street Church, and 
Thatcher, of New South Church, lived to increase 
and expend their rich abundance ! But both were 
cut off in early manhood. Buckminster died in 
18 1 2, when only twenty-eight years old, and 
Thatcher, his friend and memorialist, in 18 18 at 
thirty-two. 

Others were soon found, however, more ready 
and eao-er to advance the liberal cause. There had 

o 

1 Dr. Frothingham left a large family of children, of which Octavius 
Brooks Frothingham, the distinguished preacher, lately of New York, and 
Miss Ellen Frothingham, an accomplished translator of German poetry, are 
members. The memoir, which has been so freely made use of in this ac- 
count, may be found in Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceed., 1869-70, 371. 



266 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49- 

been frequent collisions on former occasions, but 
the year 181 5 marks the time when the struggle 
was first fairly defined. Eloquent preachers and 
vigorous writers then engaged in open opposition to 
the old dogmas of Orthodoxy ; the stricter portion 
of the Congregational body marshalled all its forces 
to repel the attack, and the controversy was fully 
opened. The special causes which brought about 
this result need not here be mentioned. The issue 
involved a departure from what the stricter party 
defined as the traditional faith of the fathers. To 
the broader party, on the other hand, which now 
became known under the distinctive name of Unita- 
rian, the movement was simply a revival of the ear- 
lier theology as opposed to implicit adherence to the 
old dosjmas of Calvinism. 

By far the larger part of the Congregational 
churches in this neighborhood were in sympathy 
with the less rigid doctrines. Of those in the Bos- 
ton of that day all save one, and that by no means a 
strong exception, were of the same mind. The same 
is true of many of the " first " churches in adjoining 
and distant towns. In these cases ministers, church 
members, and parishioners all yielded to the same 
influence. But in places where unanimity was not 
the rule, as in country parishes which, unlike Bos- 
ton and some of the larger towns, had not been 
supplied with liberal preachers, divisions and law- 
suits were by no means uncommon in connection 
with the settlement of a new minister. Societies 



1815-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 267 

were formed, not as in Boston, from new material, 
but out of the disaffected portions of the old. 

In his twentieth anniversary sermon, preached to 
First Church, March 15, 1835, Dr. Frothingham 
briefly alludes to the " Unitarian Controversy." He 
shows that while First Church strongly sympathized 
with all that was put forward on the liberal side, 
they did not see fit to take an active part in the 
struggle. To use his own words, " We remained 
almost at rest in that earthquake of schism. If we 
were sometimes affected by the agitating topics of 
the time, it was not often. Our words have been 
of brotherly love and mutual consideration. We si- 
lently assumed the ground, or rather found ourselves 
standing upon it, that there was no warrant in the 
Scriptures for the idea of a threefold personality in 
the divine nature ; or for that of atonement, accord- 
ing to the popular understanding of that word ; or 
for that of man's total corruption and inability; or for 
that of an eternity of woe adjudged as the punish- 
ment of earthly offences; or indeed for any of the 
peculiar articles in that scheme of faith which went 
under the name of the Genevan reformer. We have 
worshipped only One, the Father. We have recog- 
nized the authority of Jesus Christ as a divine mes- 
senger. We have maintained the accountability of 
nian, and a righteous retribution, and a life beyond 
this. But in all these points we were adopting 
rather practical principles, and a ground of edifying, 
than tenets to be discussed. We have never pre- 



268 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

tended to understand all mysteries, nor to solve 
every question that a vain curiosity might propose. 
We have not sought to penetrate to what is beyond 
us ; but have been content to leave many things in 
that sacred obscurity in which they are left by the 
written Word. And even upon subjects within the 
range of reasonable inquiry w^e have not favored a 
controversial tone. We have made more account 
of the religious sentiment than of theological 
opinions." 

The sermon then proceeds to discuss the " prac- 
tice of the Church," especially in regard to topics of 
general interest in the community, and those move- 
ments which will at intervals arise and assume a 
transient importance. " Has this practice," says the 
writer, " a stranger might inquire, been in any de- 
gree peculiar? It has, and steadily peculiar. We 
have been singularly conservative in our customs ; 
mistrustful of innovations, jealous of our liberty, 
fond of peace, refusing to be influenced by any 
gustiness of the times. We have loved to dwell 
within ourselves, and disliked to implicate our con- 
cerns with those of other churches, or with any 
associations of men. We have supposed that the 
exclusive objects of our association were to worship 
our Maker according to our consciences, and to 
maintain the sacred decency of Christian order. 
We have therefore been unwilling to mix up these 
objects with plans of a different, however important 
nature. We have been unwillino; to take the stand 



1815-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 269 

of missionaries or propagandists in any shape. 
We have been unwilling to form ourselves into a 
Bible society, or a temperance, or an education, or 
a benevolent society ; or to appear as anything else 
than what we are, — a church of Christ, an assembly 
for social worship." 

The new organ which was ordered to be made in 
England some time before, at last arrived in the 
ship Restitution, June 16, 1816; was received at the 
vestry the 19th, and was first used for public worship 
the 30th. The first committee on music had been 
chosen just a year before. 

The years pass by without special interest. 

In 1 819 the church allowed a way to be made 
for foot passengers from Pond Street to Summer 
Street, through Chauncy Place. 

The amount of real estate held by the church at 
this time is shown by the " First Financial Report " 
which appears on record. It mentions the brick 
meeting-house on Chauncy Place, a vacant lot of 
land adjoining the same, and four brick houses on 
Summer Street. The annual income derived from 
this property in 1821 amounted to only ^3,746, and 
the expenditures to $2,682.20, leaving a balance of 
$1,064.16 to be applied towards the reduction of a 
debt of $11,870 incurred in the erection of the 
dwelling-houses. 

The land in Chauncy Place, formerly known as 
the Hollingshead lot, had been in the possession of 
the church for many years. Title to this large 



270 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [i8i5-;9. 

property was derived through a deed from Richard 
and Ann HolUngshead, both making their marks, 
unto the deacons of First Church (of which they 
were members), dated the "seventeenth day of De- 
cember, Ann° Dom' One thousand six hundred and 
eighty, and in the thirty-second yeare of the Reign 
of King Charles the Second over England." The 
premises are referred to as " Situate at the southerly 
end of the Town of Boston." The grantors of the 
property were aged paupers, and the consideration 
for the conveyance was that they should continue to 
be supported by the church for the rest of their lives. 
There is a tradition that when the church took 
the property it was doubted whether it would pay 
for the expense of drawing and recording the deed. 
When Dr. Chauncy was minister he occupied a 
parsonage house which stood on the premises, gable 
end to the street, with a large garden and orchard 
adjoining. Rev. William Emerson afterwards occu- 
pied the same estate. 

Efforts wTre made about this time to encourage 
practice in singing, " in order to bring forward such 
persons as feel an inclination to succeed our present 
very excellent choristers, who may from time to 
time be obliged to leave the seats, and whose gra- 
tuitous and generous services " are warmly appre- 
ciated. For this purpose a singing-school was 
formed, in 1823, under the control of the Standing 
Committee. The plan seems to have worked well, 
for a time at least, to judge by the report of the 



iSr5-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 27 1 

committee ; and shortly after a " scientific singer " 
was engaged to lead the choristers. In 1826 it was 
voted to introduce "some gentleman as a constant 
leader in the singing Loft," and that "the present 
female singer " have seventy-five dollars a year. 

In the summer of 1826 the pastor received leave 
of absence to spend a year in Europe. During 
that period he assumed the expense of supplying 
the pulpit. 

The Chauncy Place meeting-house was never 
quite satisfactory from the first. Extensive repairs 
and alterations were constantly in progress, the lat- 
ter for the greater part with a view of obtaining 
more light. During these intervals the society va- 
cated their own meeting-house, and accepted the 
kind invitations of Brattle Street and other churches 
to unite with them in worship. These favors on the 
part of sister churches, the record shows, were from 
time to time acknowledged. 

During the ten years ending with 1825 the prog- 
ress of Unitarianism was very marked. The num- 
ber of new Unitarian churches in Boston exceeded 
that of any other denomination, and the support 
and attendance Q-iven them were commensurate with 
the increase. They attracted the most cultivated 
people, as well as the most active and prominent 
members of the various professions. The Amer- 
ican Unitarian Association was formed in 1825, 
with its headquarters in Boston. This establish- 
ment has sustained the various interests of the 



272 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49- 

denomination, and has been widely recognized as 
its proper representative in all relations. It de- 
rives a moderate income from permanent sources, 
but depends largely for support on church contribu- 
tions. First Church has always helped to carry 
on the work of this association, but has thus far 
taken no steps to enroll its pastors or any of its con- 
gregation as members. 

In 1826 the Benevolent Fraternity of Churches 
was formed, originating with Rev. Joseph Tucker- 
man, minister of Chelsea, the Rev. Henry Ware, 
of the Second Church, and the Rev. Dr. Gannett, 
of Federal Street Church. For a quarter of a cen- 
tury Mr. Tuckerman had " ministered at large " to 
the poor of Boston. Besides his labors there had 
been much home missionary work in the same di- 
rection, but no organized efforts to sustain the cause. 
Mr. Tuckerman devoted himself with great zeal to 
the undertaking, and as a result of his labors a per- 
manent ministry at large was finally established. 
The range of membership is confined to the 
churches in old Boston, leaving out Roxbury and 
Charlestown, which pursue their own methods. 
The Fraternity has from that time on maintained 
several missionaries and four chapels, besides afford- 
ing aid in similar but more general ways. Although 
a constant contributor to the treasury of this organi- 
zation, it is nevertheless believed that there was no 
formal connection of First Church with the Frater- 
nity before the year 1853. 



x8i5-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 



7o 



The baptismal covenant of the church, commonly 
called the " Half Way Covenant," was dispensed 
with by vote of the church, July 6, 1828. Senior 
Deacon James Morrill alone, " differing widely in 
opinion from his brethren " in the matter, entered 
his disapproval on the record. A new pulpit was 
ordered this year, and on Christmas day the congre- 
gation of Trinity Church used the meeting-house 
for services. 

In 1829, four years before the famous amendment 
to the Bill of Rights was passed, the " Proprietors 
of the First Church in Boston " became a cor- 
poration. Before the " Religious Freedom Act " of 
1 8 1 1 was passed, comparatively few religious socie- 
ties in Massachusetts had been incorporated. Sev- 
eral causes combined in that year to bring about 
numerous acts of incorporation. Before the law 
was changed dissenting religious societies, as they 
were called, such as the Baptists, Universalists, and 
others, suddenly found that they had no standing in 
court; and even after it took effect some of them 
found it expedient to become specially incorporated, 
in order to make their position more secure as well 
as convenient. The effect of the new law was to un- 
dermine the security of the established churches and 
w^eaken the ties which bound them together. Any 
member of a parish was now allowed to leave the 
Congregational society and seek one of his own 
choice, provided always he constituted himself an 

actual member of the new society by contributing 

18 



274 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

to its support. But the final blow to the old sys- 
tem was struck by the amendment to the Bill of 
Rights in 1834. This change brought about an 
entire separation between Church and State. 

For two centuries public sentiment had favored 
the support of religion by the State. Every change, 
however radical, had always recognized this condi- 
tion. But now the old tie is broken, and churches 
of whatever name and wherever situated must rely 
upon themselves. The proprietors of First Church 
became incorporated by reason, apparently, of the 
refusal of the deacons to sign a deed of the vacant 
lot of land south of the church, which had already 
been sold by the Standing Committee. The dea- 
cons evidently declined to perform this act from 
a doubt (which has proved to be well grounded) 
as to tlie expediency of selling the property, and 
not because they would claim exclusive authority to 
make a deed. Not a little feeling betrayed itself on 
both sides ; and the refusal was afterwards with- 
drawn at a meeting specially called by the deacons. 

In addition to a weekly salary of twenty-five dol- 
lars, the pastor was furnished for some time with 
the parish dwelling-house on Summer Street and 
twenty-five cords of wood annually. The supply of 
fuel was kept up until the year 1829, when the sum 
of one hundred and twenty-five dollars was substi- 
tuted in its place. 

The two hundredth anniversary of the church was 
simply yet adequately commemorated by a sermon 



I8I5-49-] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 275 

from Dr. Frothingham, preached Sunday, Aug. 29, 
1830, and is now in print/ 

The Sunday school is first mentioned at a com- 
mittee meeting, Aug. 13, 1828, when it was " looted. 
That, if appHcation be made for the Vestry, to be 
used for a Sunday school, the disposal thereof be 
left with the Minister and Deacons." From a 
report, which was written five years later by Dr. 
Frothingham, it appears that the Chauncy Sun- 
day School, as it was called, originated in a set-off 
from the Franklin Sunday School. The directors 
of the latter institution, finding that they could 
not accommodate all their scholars in one place, 
were allowed to use the vestry of First Church. 
The children of the society were invited to attend 
the school, and several of the ladies also were in- 
duced to teach. At the date of this report two 
thirds of the scholars and one half of the teachers 
belonged to the society. The school was supported 
by First Church, the chief item of the very trifling 
expense necessary to maintain it being for the sup- 
ply of books (a multiplication of which, says Dr. 
Frothingham, is deemed to be absolutely hurtful). 
During one year the entire charges of this institu- 
tion amounted to only thirteen dollars. The school, 
however, had done a good work, and the committee 
recommended that it be continued hereafter under 
the exclusive control and protection of the First 

1 The Commemoration by First Church of the two hundred and fiftieth 
Anniversary, etc., 70. 



276 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1S15-49. 

Church, at an annual expense of not over twenty- 
five dollars. 

Deacon James Morrill died April 3, 1833, at the 
age of eighty-two. He was a member of the church 
for fifty-four years, one of its officers for forty-three 
years, and presided at annual meetings for twenty 
years in succession. " He was devoted to the inter- 
ests of the society, and to the religion which he 
professed." The Sunday after he died, Dr. Froth- 
ingham preached his funeral sermon, an extract from 
which appears on the record. 

About this time that type of philosophy known as 
" Transcendentalism " caused much discussion in 
this neighborhood. Ralph Waldo Emerson was 
held to have dissolved his connection with the min- 
istry, not from want of religious faith or fervor, but 
because the prescribed forms did not adequately 
" express his intuitions of spiritual truth." Rev. 
George Ripley, who continued to preach for sev- 
eral years longer, has been called the recognized 
" expounder and champion of the new theology, 
which may, perhaps, be best characterized as hyper- 
spiritualism." Professor Andrews Norton led the 
opposition. So far as this controversy, which was 
quite as much philosophical as religious, concerned 
the churches, it dealt more with the evidences for the 
genuineness, authenticity, and authority of the New 
Testament writings than with the doctrines which 
they inculcate. This movement was to be recog- 
nized within and beyond the denomination, and has, 



1815-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 



277 



undoubtedly, issued in deeper and broader religion 
and in truer conceptions of the difference between 
the forms of truth and truth itself, as well as the 
fundamental distinction between faiths and the facts 
which sustain and illustrate them. 

After 1838 fuel disappears entirely as a separate 
item to be taken into consideration in reckonino" 
the amount of the minister's salary. It was deemed 
inexpedient in that year to sustain the Sunday 
school as then organized. But in the following year 
it was reopened on a new basis, and reported to be 
in a flourishing condition, with a membership of 
fifty scholars. A request to be allowed to use the 
meeting-house for an evening lecture on temperance 
could not be granted at this time from a lack of 
sufficient facilities for properly lighting the building. 

The Fast Day afternoon service was abandoned in 
1840. In 1 841 Theodore Parker preached an ordi- 
nation sermon at South Boston, which opened a 
controversy of grave importance. The substance 
of his opinions consisted in a denial of the mirac- 
ulous element in the New Testament, while Christ 
was looked upon as a great moral and spiritual 
leader, without any attribute of the Godhead. His 
expositions were received with deep concern. It 
was suggested by some that he should be asked 
to withdraw from the Boston Association, of which 
he was a member ; but he never was so approached. 
When, however, in regular order his turn came to 
preach at Thursday Lecture, the minister of First 



278 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

Church, in the exercise of that prerogative which, 
handed down from old John Cotton, gave him 
the right to select the minister, thought fit to 
make some other arrangement. His connection 
with the denomination and the ministry was never 
formally severed, and he was enabled to keep up 
a very limited intercourse with one and another 
of the body by pulpit exchanges. His preach- 
ing soon brought him from West Roxbury to 
Boston, and attracted large and interested gather- 
ings, which grew into a fixed congregation. He 
was admitted on all sides to be a man of fervent 
piety and deep devotion to the public good and 
morals. The effects of his broad Christianity are 
seen to-day in the liberalizing tendency common to 
the churches of every denomination in and around 
Boston, even to those of the straiter sects. 

" First Church and its minister," writes the pres- 
ent pastor, " were much engaged to express their 
strong dissent from Mr. Parker's teachings, much, 
as was understood, to Mr. Parker's surprise, for he 
was scarcely able to see how one whose studies and 
even conclusions seemed to tend so much in the 
direction which he had so earnestly chosen could 
be pained and offended by his utterances. He 
failed to see that the ideas which the Christian story 
symbolized were of far more significance to Dr. 
Frothingham than any history, and that whether 
with or without sufficient reason he drew a broad, 
deep line between the preacher and the theolo- 



iSr5-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 279 

gian, and might even prefer to rest in illusions 
rather than join those who held ?71usions, however 
instructive and helpful, to be all one with ^t'lusions. 
Perhaps his conflict was largely only with Mr. Par- 
ker's spirit and method ; but it was sincere in its 
way, and emphasized in more than one sermon. 
Moreover, much which in Mr. Parker's understand- 
ing of Christianity had reached the stage of absolute 
denial was, to Dr. Frothingham, only a difficulty, a 
question, a matter to be considered, and not a part 
of his Gospel message to the great multitude. Mr. 
Parker was understood to deny the miraculous ele- 
ment of Christianity, and, while he recognized in 
Jesus a transcendent religious inspiration and moral 
elevation, to withhold assent to the persuasions of 
the Christian world as to his intellectual infallibility, 
and to his absolute moral perfection. He held 
very strongly to a kind of natural supernatural- 
ism, and greatly prized the providential work of 
Jesus, while his own faith in God and providence 
and immortality was very strong and deep and 
practical. He maintained that he was a Christian 
in the sense in which Jesus was a Christian, though 
he also taught that the words of the Saviour as 
they have been handed down to us bear the impress 
and color of his land and age, and are not without 
their limitations." 

A collection of hymns, called the " Christian 
Psalter," prepared by Dr. William P. Lunt, of 
Quincy, was introduced in the services of the church 



28o FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

on the second Sunday of February, 1842, in place 
of Dr. Belknap's " Psalms and Hymns." 

During the year 1842 the proprietors made an in- 
quiry as to the funds held for the church as a body 
of communicants by the deacons. The reply shows 
that there were such funds, and that they were held 
for pious and charitable uses, and were not regarded 
as in any way subject to the supervision of the pro- 
prietors ; and no further action was taken in the 
premises. An account of these funds is annually 
given by the deacons to the communicant members. 

The Chauncy Place meeting-house was remodelled 
in 1843. The alterations which were then made 
amounted almost to a reconstruction of the whole 
interior. The only stipulation was that the pillars 
which supported the galleries should not be dis- 
turbed. The ceiling of the church was set with 
sections of richly ornamented glass of varied hues, 
surmounted by what is now called a monitor roof, 
letting in the light at the sides. This plan, how- 
ever, did not issue satisfactorily, and the side win- 
dows, which had been walled up, were reopened 
underneath the galleries. When the work was com- 
pleted the Rev. Mr. Stetson, of Medford, a clerical 
brother and friend of Dr. Frothingham, on taking a 
view of the interior in company with the pastor, 
remarked, in his wonted humor, " Well, Brother 
Frothingham, so you have undertaken to raise 
Christians under glass ! " The entrances to the 
church were altered, and the pulpit set back into 



I8IS-49-] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 28 1 

a recess in the wall, and subsequently connected 
with the vestry by spiral stairs. The entire cost 
of all these changes, and others which were found 
necessary, in order to make the result more sat- 
isfactory, came to nearly twelve thousand dollars. 
Even after these improvements, the effect produced 
by the peculiar arrangement for admitting light 
could not be called brilliant ; and in addition to this 
drawback the ventilation was complained of, though 
perhaps without reason. With these exceptions, if 
such they were, the new plan of the interior was as 
pleasing and satisfactory as the plain style of archi- 
tecture in those days would allow. 

During the interval which elapsed between the 
second Sunday in June and the fourth Sunday in 
November, 1843, when the alterations were com- 
pleted and they returned to their own meeting-house, 
the societ}'' availed themselves of a kind invitation 
to attend services in King's Chapel, which were con- 
ducted by Dr. Frothingham, in place of Dr. Green- 
wood, who was out of health. On their return the 
old organ was replaced by a new one, which was 
paid for by subscriptions and the proceeds arising 
from the sale of the former instrument. 

At the annual meeting in 1844 the minister re- 
ferred to the case of several persons who attended 
the communion service and yet had never signed the 
church covenant, as showing the difficulty of decid- 
ing who should be called church members. The sen- 
timent of the brethren present was that such persons 



282 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

should make good their connection by signing the 
proper articles. The pastor was at the same time 
allowed "to receive the names of all those who were 
previously members of other churches, using only his 
own discretion, and without any other formality than 
that of announcing to the church the names so added." 
At the same meeting a new covenant, drawn up by 
the minister to conform more nearly to the original 
one (now in use), was presented and accepted. 

At this period the fund for the society's poor, 
known as the " Charity Fund," was found to be 
greatly in excess of the amount needed to supply 
the beneficiaries, and some difficulty arose as to the 
proper disposal of the surplus, in order to avoid accu- 
mulation, which was agreed to be undesirable. The 
suggestion was offered, and favorably received, that a 
jDortion might be applied to the relief of certain per- 
sons who were not classed strictly among "the poor" 
of the society. Even this additional object did not 
entirely exhaust the yearly balance, which continued 
to increase until the enlarged form of Sunday school, 
going into effect nine or ten years later, provided a 
satisfactory remedy for the perplexity. During the 
remainder of this decade the meetings of the propri- 
etors were chiefly occupied with matters of business. 
The congregation gradually disposed of all the real 
estate on Summer Street, and, after paying off the 
debt and current expenses, invested the balance as a 
permanent fund. The result was a much improved 
condition of the financial affairs of the society. 



I 



i8i5-49] NATHANIEL L. FROTHINGHAM. 283 

In the beginning of the year 1S49 Dr. Frothino-. 
ham's health, as has been previously mentioned, be- 
gan seriously to decline. Under these circumstances 
he addressed a letter to the society asking them to 
seek for some one who might assist him in the dis- 
charge of his duties; and also (if the state of his 
health required) that he might be allowed a tempo- 
rary absence, and to supply the pulpit during that 
time as he best could. 

The communication was received, as the record 
shows, with " expressions of deep regret " and the 
" kindest and warmest sympathies " towards their 
" esteemed and beloved minister." A committee 
was chosen to take the matter into consideration. 
Their report recommends " that the Proprietors do 
express their acquiescence in the proposition made 
by the Rev. Dr. Frothingham in relation to the ap- 
pointment of an assistant minister, and their deter- 
mination to proceed to such appointment as soon as 
a person shall be found who will unite in his favor 
the voices of the society, and whose appointment 
will be agreeable to our Pastor." As for that part 
of the letter which relates to a temporary absence, 
the report states it to have been already acted upon 
and satisfactorily settled by the Standing Committee, 
whose action no doubt will " meet with the entire 
approbation of the proprietors." The recommenda- 
tion was sanctioned by the society ; and a letter, in 
reply to that of Dr. Frothingham, expressing a 
" deep feeling of interest and solicitude " placed in 
his hands previous to his departure for Europe. 



284 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1815-49. 

On his return in the autumn of 1849, Dr. Froth- 
ingham, not having obtained that complete restora- 
tion of health for which he had hoped, renewed his 
request that a colleague might be appointed ; but 
finally addressed a note to a meeting called for the 
purpose of choosing a new minister, expressing the 
desire that this minister might be called as successor 
and not as colleague. For this purpose he tendered 
his resignation, Dec. 19, 1849, to take effect on or 
before the anniversary of his ordination. The letter 
is full of the deepest gratitude for the kindness of his 
people, and the warmest desires for their future well- 
being. A vote was then passed accepting his resig- 
nation, to take effect March 15, 1850. The reply of 
the church is full of love and esteem tow^ards their 
minister for his " constant and well-performed labor," 
and " entertains the hope (which was so happily ful- 
filled) that the personal and friendly relations which 
have subsisted between them may still be cherished 
and preserved.' 

During the thirty-nine years ending in 1853, two 
hundred and twenty-six persons signed the covenant. 
In the same period, four hundred and seventy-one ^ 
children were baptized, two hundred and fifty-two 
of whom were males, and two hundred and nineteen 
females. 

' In addition to this number one hundred and five inmates of the Boston 
Female Asylum appear, by the record, to have been baptized, at intervals, 
between 1824 and 1842. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

1850-1880. 

RUFUS ELLIS. 

Settlement of Rev. Riifus Ellis. — Establishment of a Free Sunday 
School. — Church Work. — Children and Families gathered for 
Missionary Work beyond the Limits of the Organized Congrega- 
tion. — Sewing-Schools. — Employment Societies. — Instruction in 
Dressmaking. — Newsboys' School. — Past and Present Workers 
in the Church, and their Memorial. — Gas Introduced. — LTnion 
Services in the Summer. — A more Open Communion. '- — Thurs- 
day Lecture Revived for a Time. — Dr. Frothingham's " Shade of 
the Past." — Chauncy Place becomes Chauncy Street. — Public 
Funeral of Edward Everett. — Proposal to build a New House of 
Worship. — Progress and Completion of the Work. — Laying of 
Corner-Stone. — Last Services in Old Church. — Dedication. — 
Church Described. — Its Cost. — Liberal Contributions. — Two 
Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary. 

A FTER the resignation of Dr. Frothingham 
took effect, the meetings of the communicants, 
held heretofore at the house of the pastor, were sus- 
pended for three years. During this period the 
church had no settled minister. While Dr. Froth- 
ingham was absent in Europe, and for some time 
after his return, the Rev. Dr. Walker supplied the 
pulpit. Several ministers — all of whom have since 
become well known, in this community at least — 



286 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1S50-S0. 

were invited to succeed Dr. Frothingham, but for va- 
rious reasons they all felt obliged to decline the call. 
At a meeting of the proprietors, held Feb. 28, 1853, 
it was voted, unanimously, that the Standing Com- 
mittee be requested to communicate with the Rev. 
Rufus Ellis, of Northampton, Mass., with full power 
to invite him, if they see fit, to become the pastor 
of the church. The following letter of invitation 
was accordingly sent the next day : — 

Boston, Feb. 21, 1853. 
My dear Sir, — At a meeting of the proprietors of 
the First Church, held in the meeting-house yesterday, 
Hon. Charles Francis Adams in the chair, it was voted, 
unanimously, that the Standing Committee should be re- 
quested to communicate with you, having full power to 
invite you to become the pastor of our church. The 
Standing Committee do now, therefore, in their name i«e- 
spectfully invite you to assume the pastoral office among 
us. We do not think it necessary or becoming, at the 
present time, to go beyond the immediate object of the 
commission which it is so agreeable to all of us to per- 
form. We shall await with deep interest your reply, and 
earnestly hoping that it will be favorable to our wishes. 

On behalf of the Committee. 

The letter from Mr. Ellis accepting the call is 
dated Northampton, March 8, 1853. 

At a meeting of the communicant members on 
March 20, called by Deacon Foster in consequence 
of the happy unanimity of the society in inviting 
Rev. Rufus Ellis to become their pastor, it was 
unanimously voted to " offer him their hearty wel- 





I 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 287 

come, and assure him of their cheerful fellowship ; 
that they rejoice in the hope of his public teaching, 
his private counsel, and his friendly sympathy ; and 
that they pray that this new connection may be 
crowned with the blessing of God, and with all the 
fruits of Christian unity and zeal." 

Mr. Ellis sent a reply to this assurance of wel- 
come, a portion of which is copied in the records, 
and reads as follows : — 

" A word from the Church, strictly so called, has a pe- 
culiar value. Making the largest allowance for the honest 
difficulties that keep some from the Lord's table, it cannot 
be accounted an illiberality to regard the body of commu- 
nicants as the heart of a society, — -the source of its truest 
vitality. It is the Church that lives. It has life in itself" 

The present pastor was installed May 4, 1853. 
All the so-called Unitarian churches of Boston and 
vicinity attended by pastor and delegates except 
King's Chapel, which acknowledged " the kindness 
and courtesy of the invitation, but in conformity 
with all previous usage on similar occasions, respect- 
fully decline the sending a delegate." 

The following letter, full of historic interest, from 
Dr. Charles Lowell, regretting his physical inability 
to be present, while at the same time he was with 
them in spirit, was read by Dr. Frothingham. 

My Christl\n Brethren and Friends, — I am pre- 
vented, in the providence of God, — a providence always 
wise and good, — from being with you in person, as you 
invited me to be, at the installation of your new pastor. 



288 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-S0. 

But I am not prevented from being with you in spirit, nor 
from offering up in my retirement my prayers for your 
welfare. 

Chauncy, not the least eminent in your succession of 
ministers, was the friend and eulogist of my most distin- 
guished predecessor, and preached at the ordination of the 
eminently good man who succeeded him in the ministry. 

The noble countenance of Clarke, whose name would 
add lustre to any line of pastors, I well remember. Emer- 
son was my instructor in childhood, and I enjoyed an 
affectionate friendship with him from my settlement in the 
ministry to the time of his translation to heaven. To 
Abbot, who " being made perfect in a short time, fulfilled 
a long time," I gave the right hand of fellowship on his 
coming to this charge. 

The friendship of his successor, whose presence and 
sympathy you are still permitted to enjoy, I have had the 
privilege of possessing ; and with not a few of yourselves, 
too, I have had frequent and affectionate communion as a 
minister and a friend. 

It is known only to Him who knoweth all things whether 
I shall be ever allowed to meet you again in the public 
duties or private intercourse of life ; but it is my desire 
and prayer for you that " your conversation may be as it 
becometh the gospel of Christ, and that whether I come 
and see you or else be absent, I may hear of your affairs, 
that ye stand fast in one spirit, striving together for the 
faith of the gospel." 

Your friend, as I trust, in the best bonds, 

Charles Lowell, 

May 3, 1853. 

The letter of dismission from the church in North- 
ampton was next read and accepted. Dr. Frothing- 
ham then made a verbal statement of the call of Mr. 
Ellis and his acceptance thereof, which, " after some 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 289 

conversation," was allowed to take the place of the 
reading from the records. 

The exercises in the church were conducted as 
follows : Rev. O. B. Frothingham offered the intro- 
ductory prayer; Rev. J. I. T. Coolidge read the 
Scriptures. Then followed the hymn of installation 
(Ravenscroft, ob. 1630), beginning, "Eternal Lord! 
To Thee the Church," — written for the occasion by 
N, L. Frothingham ; Rev. George E. Ellis (brother 
of the pastor and minister of Harvard Church, 
Charlestown) preached the sermon from i Tim. i. 15 ; 
prayer of installation, by Rev. N. L. Frothingham ; 
Psalm (Ellenwood, H. K. O.), beginning, " The Lord 
gave the Word; 'twas the Word of his Truth," — 
also written for the occasion by Dr. Frothingham ; 
charge, by Rev. E. S. Gannett ; right hand of fellow- 
ship, by Rev. F. D. Huntington; address to the 
society, by Rev. Chandler Robbins. Then after an 
anthem, the concluding prayer by Rev. Alexander 
Young, and the benediction by the pastor. 

At the close of the exercises in the church, which 
were very well attended, the pastors and delegates 
to the council and invited guests dined in Chapman 
Hall. Dr. Morison, of Milton, asked the blessing 
at the table. The Hon. Edward Everett presided, 
and made a brief and happy address in behalf of the 
society, which was followed by a very few words 
from Dr. Gannett, Hon. James Savage, Rev. George 
E. Ellis, and the pastor. 

One of the first enterprises which was under- 

19 



290 



FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1S50-S0. 



taken after the settlement of the present minister 
was the establishment of a new form of Sunday 
school. In November, 1S53, the attempt was first 
made to increase the membership of that institution 
from children outside of the congregation. Before 
this change took place the Sunday school was dis- 
tinctively a parish gathering. Since that time it has 
been the endeavor of the workers in this cause to 
enlarge the field of Christian labor. The success 
of these efforts is seen in the steady growth of the 
institution in all that makes it worth sustaining. 
The Sunday school has gradually become, in the 
largest sense, the life of the church. Without in- 
terfering with any established rights or cherished 
usages it has quietly assumed a place of its 
own. 

The earliest detailed account of the plan and 
working of the school is contained in a pamphlet 
on " Church Work," written by the present minis- 
ter in 1867. The establishment then numbered two 
hundred children, besides twenty or thirty from Mrs. 
Gwynne's Home. " These children," he says, " be- 
long to families that for the most part have no con- 
nection with any church, and on that account it was 
supposed, at the outset, that the school would be con- 
stantly changing; but it has been a great satisfaction 
to find that the contrary is the case. Our children 
come steadily and perseveringly from all parts of 
the city ; some of them have gone away from Bos- 
ton, and have found us again of their own accord 



i8so-8o.] RUFUS ELLIS. 29 1 

on their return." In his report on this subject, writ- 
ten in 1879, the minister says: — 

" Out of a school that numbers 450 children, 207 still 
gathered on the first Sunday in July, when scarcely a dozen 
of our own families remained in town; while on the open- 
ing Sunday in September, the congregation still being 
absent, and the service a union service, 272 children pre- 
sented themselves. These children come from 220 fam- 
ilies. Many of them live at a long distance from the 
church, as, for example, in Roxbury, South Boston, Wash- 
ington Village, East Cambridge ; but although the school 
opens by quarter after nine, — an early Sunday hour in 
these days, — forty of them have been neither late nor ab- 
sent during the six months of winter, while 195 have won 
prizes for punctuality. The average attendance between 
last Easter and this Easter just passed has been 330, and 
between Easter and Christmas 336. One girl in seven 
years has been neither absent nor tardy. The average age 
of the children is between twelve and thirteen ; and there 
are thirty-eight teachers, besides the superintendent and 
visitor, and five who are connected with the library." 

The same report (in 1879) adds: — ■ 

" It is the plan of the school that the teachers should, so 
far as possible, put themselves into friendly and Christian 
relations with the families of their scholars, and extend to 
them the offices of Christian sympathy which are appro- 
priate to a Christian household. (The aim is constantly 
to exert the highest Christian influence upon the children, 
— not to entertain them, but to make them happy in what 
to them is- their church.) It is believed that the tie is a 
strong one, and that the outcome of the work is a very 
practical Christianity. Our children come to us year by 
year, grow up in our congregation, and return to it from 
their absences in our own or in foreign lands as to their 



292 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-S0. 

religious home. Their names are to be found on all my 
parish registers, and go far to redeem the church from the 
reproach of being a club of the luxurious or the gathering 
of class or clan. It is in some good measure a people's 
church ; at all events, a church for the people if they choose 
to have it so." 

Of the other branches and outgrowths of the 
Sunday school the earlier report proceeds to mention 
the infant departme-nt, as it is called, then number- 
ing some forty-six scholars, under the charge of a 
special teacher in a separate room. This system is 
retained at the present day. Once a month the 
older scholars unite in reciting to the pastor ca'e- 
fully prepared answers to questions which are printed 
and distributed for the purpose. 

The great Christian festivals of Christmas and 
Easter are celebrated by the whole school. On the 
former occasion, besides the service in the church, 
the children assemble in the chapel and receive 
carefully selected, useful, and substantial gifts. At 
Easter they receive some simple flowers. 

Many of the teachers visit the families of their 
scholars, not always to offer aid, but simply to make 
a friendly call. In this way several of them have 
come to look upon " First Church as their stated 
place of worship, and to the pastor for those paro- 
chial services " which it is always " his desire and 
purpose ", to render. 

It is part of the plan of the Sunday school to pro- 
vide for outward wants, so far as possible, " in that 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 



293 



spirit of Christian love which makes receivino- as 
well as giving a blessing." In this endeavor the 
most careful judgment is exercised in the selection 
of the beneficiaries and the adoption of the means 
for assistance. 

Out of the Sunday school sprang various useful 
organizations for church work, which are still in 
active operation. Families connected with the Sun- 
day school or church receive work from an employ- 
ment society, the members of which cut out the 
cloth at home, and give it to the women to make 
into garments. Each woman is allowed about fifty 
cents a week, and the privilege of buying what is 
made up at the cost of the material. In this way 
much genuine assistance is afforded with a small 
outlay, and under the most favorable auspices. " In 
1877-78 the donations to this cause were ^595, and 
the receipts from sales of garments, $508.53. The 
amount paid for materials was $394.45, and to the 
workwomen, $722.63. Work was given to about sev- 
enty women, and there were about fourteen hundred 
garments sold. These garments brought enough 
to cover the cost of materials, and some of them a 
few cents apiece more, so that there was more to be 
used in the payment for work than the amount sub- 
scribed. The garments are very largely bought by 
the mothers of the Sunday-school children and their 
friends. It may be added that it is one of the aims 
of this charity to furnish by the way valuable in- 
struction in sewing." 



294 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

Another most useful and efficient instrumentality 
is the sewing-school, which gathers, besides the Sun- 
day-school children, a few of their acquaintances 
from the outside. This has always been eminently 
successful. So popular did it become during the 
winter of 1877-78, that "the second Saturday, when 
one hundred and seventeen children collected, it was 
necessary, both on account of the lack of accommo- 
dations and the difficulty in procuring teachers, to 
eive notice that no more outside the limits of the 
Sunday school should be brought without leave." 

The mode of conducting the school is very sim- 
ple. The children are divided into classes, each 
under the direction of a competent teacher. The 
size and number of these classes vary, of course, ac- 
cording to circumstances. At one time there were 
from ten to twelve, numbering eight or nine chil- 
dren in each. The order and discipline are of the 
best, and the work very satisfactory for such young 
people. The children do not work for themselves, 
but send the garments to worthy institutions, such 
as the Children's Mission or Mrs. Gwynne's Home. 
" Prizes, consisting of the calico for a gown or an 
apron, as a reward for punctual attendance are dis- 
tributed on the last afternoon of the school." Since 
this enterprise was started sewing has been intro- 
duced into the public schools, but not to such an 
extent as to render unnecessary additional teaching 
to the children who wish to grow up with an under- 
standing use of their hands. 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 295 

Graduates from the sewing-school, with perhaps a 
few exceptions, make up the dressmaking class. It 
has lately numbered thirty-four girls, who, under the 
direction of efficient teachers, perform a great deal 
of skilled labor. They meet in the chapel twice 
each week during the church season. 

In connection with the sewing-school was formed 
a singing-school. Under the direction of an able 
instructress the children have been taught to sing 
with great readiness and accuracy. The fruits of 
this admirable training are enjoyed by the congre- 
gation on such occasions as Easter and Christ- 
mas. 

About the time the present form of Sunday school 
was started, and perhaps a little before, the ladies 
of the congregation formed a parish sewing-circle. 
The garments which they make are placed where 
they will do the most good, without reference to any 
particular class or object. During the war of the 
Rebellion the scope of its charity reached out far 
and wide. Of late years the attendance on this 
work has much increased. The meetings are held 
in the chapel every Thursday morning from the 
annual Thanksgiving to the annual Fast. 

In the year 1866 one of the ladies of the parish 
set up a vacation school, designed to keep the poorer 
children, who are unable to leave the city during the 
summer months, out of mischief. It lasted three or 
four years, and proved a great comfort to the par- 
ents of the children. Sixty children comprised this 



296 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

school, with an average attendance of about one 
half that number. 

One of the last, but at the same time most origi- 
nal, charities was the newsboys' school, which began 
in, the opening year of the civil war. The request 
for the use of the front basement room (in Chauncy 
Street Church) for a free school for the instruction 
in writing of " poor young lads, especially news- 
boys," was granted Oct. 30, 1861. Proposed as an 
"experiment, simply, in doing good," the success of 
which must needs be doubtful, one of the parish 
volunteered to provide for the entire direction and 
expense. The school never drew any support from 
the quarterly collections of the church. Some of 
the teachers came from other parishes. The at- 
tendance numbered from one to two hundred, — 
very fluctuating, of course, from the nature of the 
material, though less so perhaps than one would 
expect. At the close of his account of this estab- 
lishment the minister says : " Were this attendance 
enforced in some way by making it a condition for 
receiving a license to trade or labor in our streets, 
nothing would be wanting to make this school alto- 
gether, as it has been already largely, successful. So 
long as such boys are allowed to pursue their calling 
in the streets, schools adapted to their wants should 
be provided at the public cost and under public 
supervision. No one can estimate the amount of 
crime and misery which would be prevented in this 
way. The City Government have been earnestly 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 297 

asked to see to this thing, and until some public 
provision shall have been made our school will 
be carried on, doing what can be done in the 
circumstances. From this school sprang a system- 
atic visitation of the jail, which again suggested to 
some good Christian people in a sister parish the 
Children's Aid Society, with its excellent methods 
and ministries, and its two country homes for neg- 
lected and exposed children of tender years." 

The attempt has thus been made to give a hasty 
sketch of all the charities of First Church. Very 
little can be known of actual results from such a 
brief summary. From the time when the present 
minister first came among them there has been a 
vast deal of good done by various members of the 
congregation which cannot be set down in writing. 
" By their works ye shall know them " is all that 
can be said of these faithful laborers. Whether in 
times of special need, or in the ordinary routine of 
daily life, there have been those at hand ready and 
willing to bear every burden and offer any sacrifice, 
those whose lives have been inseparably bound up 
and blended with the work of this religious society. 
To mention the foremost among those w4io have 
succeeded in making this church a centre of chari- 
ties and, as we may say without arrogance, a benefi- 
cent power in this city, w^ould require no deep re- 
flection on the part of any one familiar with our 
recent history. To those not so privileged it will 
suffice to point to the present Sunday school, and 



298 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-S0. 

then to place them in front of one of those beautiful 
memorial windows w^hich adorn the chapel. 

RECEIPTS FOR THE YEAR 18S0-81. 

From Miss Tileston's Legacy I30.00 

From Cluirch Funds for the use of the Poor 1,158.00 

Interest upon Bank Deposit 19.48 

Easter Collection 468.06 

June Collection 191.24 

November Collection 323.07 

Christmas Collection 379-4° 

Easter Flowers for the Children 121.00 

Children's Christmas Tree 355-oo 

Country Week and Seashore Home 131.00 

Free Hospital for Women 340.00 

Sewing-Circle 1 10.00 

Associated Chanties 249.22 

Employment Society 603.00 

Instruction in Dressmaking 262.10 

Gift for Visitor's Salary 300.00 

Minister's Poor Purse 400.00 

African Methodist Church, Charles Street . . . . . . 450.00 

Quarterly Charity Lecture 160.00 

American Unitarian Association 1,000.00 

Fraternity of Churches (1880-81 and 1S81-S2) .... 950.00 

Church in Ann Arbor 500.00 

" Sunday School Gazettes " 42.75 

Contributions of Sunday School and Minister's Class to 

their own charities 71-69 

Church in Francestown, N. H 35 00 

Contribution to 250th Anniversary 1,555.00 

$10,205.01 

The earliest attempt to introduce gas into the 
church was made Dec. 9, 1854, the committee on 
repairs being authorized, if they deemed it expedi- 
ent, to fit up the house for the purpose. 

In answer to a proposal from Dr. Peabody of 
King's Chapel, in 1855, to form a union service 



1850-S0.] RUFUS ELLIS. 299 

for some summer Sundays between Chauncy Street, 
Brattle Street, and the Chapel societies, the pastor 
of First Church was instructed to express the dis- 
inclination of the proprietors to any suspension of 
services, but at the same time to extend a cordial 
offer of accommodation to botli the other churches 
if they saw fit to close their meeting-houses during 
any portion of that period. Although union ser- 
vices were indulged in at a later period, before the 
society removed from Chauncy Street, they always 
took place in First Church meeting-house, so that 
the church itself remained open throughout the 
entire year. 

In 1856 the minister referred to the objections 
which some had to signing the covenant as a neces- 
sary requirement before allowance of participation 
in the communion could be granted. Whereupon 
Dr. Frothingham proposed the following vote, which 
passed, w^ith one dissenting voice :-^ " That our pas- 
tor may feel authorized to admit any persons to 
our service of communion on their application, at 
his discretion." The subject of the use of a Lit- 
urgy in the Sunday worship was discussed at the 
same time, but no decided steps were taken. The 
character of the church music formed a frequent 
topic of discussion also at this period, some cling- 
ing to the old-fashioned congregational tunes, while 
others favored richer and more elaborate pro- 
ductions. 

1 Deacon Foster. 



300 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

The subject of further enlarging the invitation to 
the Lord's Supper was introduced by Dr. Frothing- 
ham, April r, ICS58. He offered a form substan- 
tially as follows : " The ordinance of the Lord's 
Supper will be administered after the benediction 
and in behalf of the church. I invite all who desire 
to commemorate the love of the Lord Jesus to take 
part with us in the observance." The question was 
finally reserved for a special meeting to be held a 
week later, when, nine communicants expressing 
themselves in favor and four opposed, it was decided 
to leave it to the discretion of the pastor to act as 
he should see fit. 

In the journal of Dr. Frothingham there is the 
follovving entry: "Thursday" (November i), 1849, 
" preached the Lecture, Mr. Robbins failing to ap- 
pear." Between this date and Sunday, March 10, 
1850, when Dr. Frothingham preached his farewell 
sermon, the journal, while it contains other entries, 
does not mention the " Thursday Lecture," so that 
it is safe to conclude that it was discontinued some- 
where during that interval. The present minister 
made an effort to revive it at an early period in his 
ministry. 

"Aprils, 1858 (eleven o'clock, a. m.). Thursday 
Lecture was resumed. Ministers of all denomina- 
tions — Baptists, Methodists, Orthodox, Congrega- 
tionalists, and Episcopalians — were invited to take 
their turn. Among others, the Rev. James Free- 
man Clarke, and the late Dr. Diman, of Provi- 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 



.^.01 



dence (then of Brookline, Mass.), performed the 
service." 

In this modified shape the famous lecture, which 
formerly sustained a public character, lingered for 
three or four years as a shadow of the past, and then 
vanished. The fortunes of " Thursday Lecture " 
are traced by Dr. Frothingham in '' The Shade of 
the Past," written in 1833, at the close of the second 
century after its establishment, and printed by re- 
quest of the Boston Association of Congregational 
Ministers. 

The importance which this ancient observance 
sustained while it Hved and flourished, as well as its 
close connection wdth the parent church, are faith- 
fully portrayed in this charming narrative. " The 
lecture," he says, " was a meeting of all that claimed 
or deserved respect in the neighborhood. The mag- 
istrates were present ; the governor of the colony, 
with his counsellors; and after its appropriate offices 
were ended it was followed by a convention of the 
people, at which municipal regulations were adopted, 
and questions of every kind were discussed that 
engaged the minds of the men of tliat day." 

For more than half a century after its foundation 
by Cotton the lecture steadily advanced in splendor 
and importance. There is a gathering of the people 
from every quarter on tlie fifth day of the week to 
attend the service. " The villages send their yeo- 
men and pastors. The walls of Harvard College, 
that have risen at Newtown, contribute of its few 



302 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

students and fellows to swell the train. The schools 
dismiss their pupils in the forenoon, and are kept 
no more that day, in order that no one may be de- 
prived of so great a privilege. The rough weather 
of a climate yet sterner than it has since been 
scarcely thins the assembly that comes to warm it- 
self with fervent words, and the glow of a common 
interest, and the breath of its own crowd in a cold 
place. What an array is here of dignity and sanc- 
tity and comeliness ! What squares of scarlet cloaks ! 
What borders of white but artificial hair! What 
living complexions — of a less shining whiteness, 
and less presumptuously red — upon many fair but 
solemn faces, which the arguments of Cotton have 
divested of their veils ! And lest anything should 
be wanting to so important an occasion, and lest a 
sino-le interestino^ association of life should be over- 
looked or unconnected with it, I hear the list of 
names repeated with a loud voice of those who ' in- 
tend,' as the good phrase still is, to make themselves 
the happiest of mortals. Thus the recreations of 
the young and the meditations of the old, the order 
of the churches and the guidance of the State, the 
market-place and the marriage-ring, have their re- 
membrances bound together in this ancient service." 
Until 1679 the lecture was "conducted by the 
pastors and teachers of the old congregation." In 
that year a change took place, the old church allow- 
ing the ministers of other churches to assist in the 
service. Towards the close of the century its popu- 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 



303 



larity began to wane. Cotton Mather " gave notice 
that the lecture was to begin at eleven o'clock in- 
stead of twelve ; reproved the townspeople that 
attended no better ; and declared that it would be 
an omen of their not enjoying it long, if they did 
not amend." The weather was oftentimes offered 
as an excuse. On one occasion, in 171 5, during a 
violent storm, only sixteen women and two hundred 
men were present. The return to Boston after the 
siege was over raised the occasion into temporary 
prominence after seventy years of steady neglect. 
" After this," says Dr. Frothingham, " the lecture 
might have closed its doors. It had enough of 
honor ; I will add nothing further to its history." 

The death of " the eminent historian and excel- 
lent man, William H. Prescott, late a worshipper in 
First Church," is noticed in an entry on the church 
records, Jan. 30, 1859. Funeral services were held 
at the church on the afternoon of the following day, 
and the minister preached a sermon entitled " The 
Joy of the Christian Mourner " on the following 
Sunday, February 6, which was printed by request 
of the society. 

Towards the close of this year the record contains 
a report of the only legal contest in which the church 
was ever engaged. The corporation was obliged to 
bring the suit against the city of Boston, to recover 
damages for the laying out of Chauncy Place as a 
public highway. The land thus taken, it will be 
remembered, became the property of the church 



304 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

under the deed from the HolHngsheads in 1680, and 
compensation was now asked for so much of it as 
had been taken for the pubhc use in opening the 
street. The city, on the other hand, asserted that 
the church had ah-eady dedicated the property for a 
pubhc highway before the widening took place, and 
consequently that no legal damages had accrued by 
reason of any further taking. The report discusses 
at length the progress of the suit, which, with the 
assistance of " able counsel " engaged in their be- 
half, resulted satisfactorily to the interests of the 
church. 

" Deacon James Hiller Foster died Wednesday, 
Dec. 10, 1862, at the advanced age of eighty-nine, 
having served the church in his office since March 

5. 18.5." 

Early in the year 1865 the society lost the fellow- 
ship of one whose services in Church as well as 
State were " in a degree of eminence " seldom sur- 
passed. The entry on the records of the corpora- 
tion is as follows : — 

"Boston, Jan. 15, 1865. The church was this day 
called to mourn the loss of one of its most worthy mem- 
bers in the person of the Hon. Edward Everett, who died 
at his residence, No. 32 Summer Street, at about four 
o'clock this morning, seventy years nine months and four 
days old." 

Several meetings of the Standing Committee were 
held to make appropriate arrangements for the fu- 
neral ceremonies, and to transcribe on the records 



i35o-8o.] RUFUS ELLIS. 



305 



of the church a fitting sense of their heavy bereave- 
ment. The following is a copy of the resolutions 
adopted by the church : — 

" Whereas it has pleased the All-Wise Disposer of 
events to remove from us by sudden death our esteemed 
fellow-worshipper and beloved friend, Edward Everett ; 
and 

" Whereas we wish to put on record an expression of 
our sense of the great private worth which distinguished 
him no less than his public virtues : therefore be it 

" Resolved, That by his decease the members of the First 
Church and Congregation have lost one strongly endeared 
to them by the association which has bound them together 
as worshippers for many years past. 

" Resolved, That we gratefully remember the constant 
interest which our departed friend took in the welfare of 
our venerable society, — an interest which he manifested 
to the last by his regular attendance on the offices of the 
sanctuary. 

" Resolved, That we shall always hold his example in 
precious remembrance as of one who, while he dignified 
our nation, especially in her hour of trial, by his unselfish 
patriotism, humanity, and generous devotion to the cause 
of Republican liberty, was no less distinguished for the 
humility, purity, and Christian excellence of his private 
hfc. 

" Resolved, That these resolutions be placed on the rec- 
ords of the First Church, and that a copy be transmitted 
to the family of the deceased with the assurance of our 
most tender sympathy in this hour of their heavy be- 
reavement." 

Public funeral services were held in First Church 
on Thursday, January 19; and besides an address 
on that occasion, the pastor delivered a sermon on 

20 



3o6 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-S0. 

the following Sunday on " The Life, Services, and 
Character of Edward Everett," both of which were 
printed, together with the account of the action of 
the church on the occasion of his death. 

At the annual meeting. May 28, 1865, Mr. Wil- 
liam Everett made a proposal, which the record says 
was " very well received," that the society should 
have a new house of worship in some more favora- 
ble location. Acting upon this suggestion, no doubt, 
Mr. Ralph Huntington and other proprietors of 
First Church requested the Standing Committee, 
June 21, to call a parish meeting for the considera- 
tion of the expediency of building a new church. 
In accordance with this request a special meeting 
of the proprietors, duly notified according to law, 
was held Thursday, June 29, 1865, at which twenty- 
one members were present. It was then voted, 
unanimously, to sell the present church property, 
and all other property belonging to the society, in 
such manner and at such times as shall seem expe- 
dient to the committee to be appointed for the pur- 
pose. The same committee were further authorized 
to purchase land, and build a new church edifice, 
with a vestry and parsonage, if they deem expedient. 

Thomas B. Wales, moderator, in conformity with 
the vote of the meeting, then nominated George O. 
Shattuck, Samuel H. Gookin, Edward Austin, Tur- 
ner Sargent, and John E. Piper, to join the Stand- 
ing Committee of seven, namely, Thomas B. Wales, 
Otis Rich, Samuel L. Abbot, George W. Messin- 



1850-S0.] RUFUS ELLIS. 



307 



ger, Nathaniel Thayer, John Collamore, and D. W. 
Salisbury, and together constitute a building com- 
mittee. This nomination, being referred to the 
meeting, was unanimously confirmed. 

" Attest, George O. Harris, Clerkr 

The committee thus chosen were not lone in 
selecting the present site for a new meeting-house. 
The lot of land on which the present church edifice 
stands " was purchased of the city of Boston for 
three dollars per foot, payable ten per cent cash, and 
the balance in nine instalments and interest at six 
per cent. The treasurer paid the first instalment 
of ^5,880 in September, 1865, and received a bond 
of the city„ The lot purchased contains 19,600 feet, 
the full value of which at three dollars per foot is 
^58,800." 

On account of the high prices which then pre- 
vailed for materials and labor it was deemed inex- 
pedient at this time to do more than lay a foundation 
for the new edifice. It was also decided not to sell 
the Ghauncy Street church property until some 
more definite arrangements should be made with 
regard to a removal.^ 

In the following year a letter was addressed to the 
vicar of Old Boston (England) in hopes of securing 
the "John Gotton pulpit " for a place in the new 
church. The attempt, however, proved unsuccessful. 

The corner-stone of the new church edifice was 

1 The vote to sell the Ghauncy Street meeting-house was not taken until 
April 21, i868. 



3o8 . FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

laid on Fast Day, April 4, 1867, with appropriate 
ceremonies, in presence of a large assembly. T. B. 
Wales, Esq., chairman of the Standing Committee, 
called the meeting to order, and the chairman of 
the Building Committee, Hon. G. W. Messinger, 
made an appropriate statement. Rev. Rufus Ellis, 
the pastor of the society, then read an account of 
the contents of the box to be placed under the stone, 
as follows : — 

1. A silver plate, upon which are inscribed the name of 
the church, the date of laying the corner-stone, the names 
of the pastor, of the Standing and Building Committees, 
the architects, and the principal contractors for building 
the house. 

2. Service book used in the church, containing an ac- 
count of the various pastors, and the dates of their settle- 
ments ; also of the houses of worship, and a copy of the 
covenant. 

3. A small pamphlet, giving an account of church work 
in First Church for the year 1866-67. 

4. A bi-centennial sermon, in manuscript, preached by 
Rev. Dr. Frothingham, then pastor of the church, on the 
29th August, 1830, and printed at that time by the society. 

5. Sermon, etc., at the installation of the present pastor, 
May 4, 1853. 

6. Commemorative discourses upon Hon. Edward Ev- 
erett and William Hickling Prescott, members of the par- 
ish, by the present pastor. 

7. Copy of the Christian Register for March 30, 1867, 
containing a short description of the church. 

8. Copy of hymn, by Rev. Dr. Frothingham, upon the 
laying of the corner-stone. 

9. Rules and orders, and names of Board of Aldermen 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 309 

and Common Council, etc., for 1867, with inaugural ad- 
dress of his Honor, iNIayor Norcross. 

10. Boston Daily Advertiser, Post, and Journal for April 
4, 1867, and Evening Transcript and Traveller for April 3. 

11. Boston Almanac and Directory for 1867. 

12. Monthly Religious Magazine for April, 1867. 

13. Sundry pieces of currency. 

The following is a copy of the inscription on the 
plate : — 

This corner-stone of the First Church in Boston was laid with 
appropriate ceremonies on Fast Day, April 4, 1867. 

Pastor. 
Rev. Rufus Ellis. 

Building Committee. 

Thomas B. Wales, Nathaniel Thayer, 

Samuel L. Abbot, D. W. Salisbury, 

Samuel H. Gookin, Edward Austin, 

George O. Shattuck, Horace Dupee, 

G. W. Messinger, John CoUamore, 

Turner Sargent, George O. Harris. 

Architects. 

Ware and Van Brunt. 

Contractors. 

Augustus Lothrop and Benjamin D. Whitcomb. 

Tlie pastor then read a few sentences from 
2 Chronicles ii. and from i Corinthians iii. ; and, 
striking the corner-stone, said, — 

" In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the 
Holy Ghost: Amen. 

" I lay the corner-stone of an edifice to be here erected 
by the name of the First Church of Christ, and to be de- 
voted to the service of Almighty God, through his Son, 
Jesus Christ, our Lord. Other foundation can no man lay 



3IO FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1S50-80. 

than that which is laid, even Jesus Christ, in whom we 
have redemption through his blood, even the forgiveness 
of sins. The Law was given by Moses ; but grace and 
truth came by Jesus Christ. Amen." 

Rev. Dr. Gannett then offered a singularly appro- 
priate prayer, which was followed by a brief address 
from the minister. Mr. Ellis then said, — 

" There is one, always near to the heart of this congre- 
gation, whose enforced absence from these services we all 
deeply regret. He has not forgotten us, but has put into 
my hands this hymn, prepared to be read after the event, 
and yet so fitting the occasion that, even against his wishes, 
I must take the liberty of reading it to you here and now., 
that our dear and honored friend may be connected 
through some uttered words with this solemn and glad 
occasion." 

The pastor then read the beautiful hymn, written 
by Dr. Frothingham, entitled " Laying the Corner- 
stone of a Church," after which the doxology — 
'■ From all that dwell," etc. — was sung by the as- 
sembly, and the benediction pronounced by the 
pastor. The weather was fine, and the occasion in 
every way satisfactory. 

The following description of the interior decora- 
tions of the present church edifice was written by 
the architects : — 

" The subjects of the windows in the body of the church 
are : On the north side, ' The Transfiguration ' (erected in 
memory of Turner Sargent) and ' The Syro-Phoenician 
Woman,' contributed by Miss Elizabeth Foster. On the 
south side, ' The Good Samaritan ' (erected in memory of 



1S50-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 31I 

John Eliot Thayer) and ' St. John at the Last Supper ' 
(erected in memory of Miss Abby Joy). 

" At either end of the transepts are similar windows, but 
of much greater size, being nearly twenty feet high. Those 
in the north transept contain full-length figures, about the 
size of life, of St. John and St. Paul. The subjects beneath 
are ' The Women and the Angel at the Sepulchre ' and the 
' Departure of Paul from Ephesus.' The St. John window 
is erected in memory of Peter C, Brooks, and the St. Paul 
window in memory of Thomas Beales Wales. 

" The south transept is occupied by windows of similar 
size (contributed by Messrs. Nathaniel Thayer and Edward 
Austin), containing, in the place of the Apostles opposite, 
inscriptions relating to the history of the church. On one 
is the covenant under which the church was gathered, 
signed by Governors Winthrop and Dudley, etc. Beneath 
is the ' Vision of the Man of Macedonia,' — the carrying 
of the gospel into Europe having been considered by the 
founders of this church as the prototype of its introduc- 
tion into America, the text ' Come over and help us ' oc- 
curring in the original seal of the colony. The other win- 
dow contains a list of the ministers of the church during 
the two hundred and thirty-eight years since its foundation. 
Beneath are figures of the four evangelists. The other win- 
dows were furnished out of the funds of the society, and 
consist, for the most part, merely of decorative work. The 
great Rose, however, at the end of the church, over the 
entrance, contains in the centre a figure of the Lamb, and 
about it a choir of angels singing and playing upon vari- 
ous instruments. In the north transept is also a small 
window, nearly on a level with the eye, containing in four 
compartments the story of the Prodigal Son. . . . 

" All the windows are filled with English glass, executed 
in London in accordance with the architects' sketches, and 
are made of what is called mosaic glass work, as distin- 
guished from enamel painting. . . . 



312 FIRST CHURCH KM BOSTON. [1850-80. 

" The color decorations of the church, which are very 
carefully studied, and executed with great elegance, are 
quiet, but rich in effect, and carry out the general senti- 
ment of gravity and repose intended to be conveyed by 
the treatment of the whole interior. From the ends of the 
hammer-beams, and from the roof at the centre of the 
church, are suspended chandeliers of bronze and gold. . . . 

" The church contains one hundred and eighty-seven 
pews, provided to accommodate nine hundred and fifty-five 
persons. It is heated and ventilated by steam." 

The chapel also has lately been enriched by two 
beautiful memorial windows. The subject of the 
one on the right as you enter from Marlborough 
Street is St. Christopher. This window was the 
gift of Miss Mary Anne Wales, in memory of Fanny 
Cabot Paine. The one on the left is " The Younor 
David," and is dedicated by his parents to the mem- 
ory of Gurdon Saltonstall. 

The farewell services in Chauncy Street church, 
on May 10, 1868, were attended by a large congre- 
gation. The pastor preached from Psalm xxvi. 8. 
The sermon, with the Scriptures read during the ser- 
vice, was printed. " Much sensibility was mani- 
fested by the worshippers, many of whom had not 
attended at the church for many years." ^ 

"On May 17, 1868,^ the congregation gathered 
for the first time in the new chapel on Marlborough 
Street. We conducted our service with the aid of 
King's Chapel Liturgy, which is to be hereafter our 

1 Church Records, Vol. II. 58. 

2 During the summer of 1868 the society was invited to attend services in 
Arlington Street church. 




FIFTH HOUSE OF WORSHIP. 

CORNER OF BERKELEY AND MARLBOROUGH STREETS, 

1868. 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 313 

Book of Common Prayer.^ The text was the in- 
scription upon the cloister approach to the chapel, — 
' And all thy children shall be taught of the Lord, 
and great shall be the peace of thy children.' " 

The fifth house of worship of First Church was 
dedicated Dec. 10, 1868. The pastor preached a 
sermon entitled " The Gospel committed to Living 
Witnesses," — Acts i. 8. This sermon, with one 
preached on the first Sunday after the dedication ser- 
vices, entitled " The Mind to Work," — Nehemiah 
iv. 6, — was printed, together with the address at the 
laying of the corner-stone. 

The new organ arrived from Germany in 1869.^ 
The amount realized from the sale of the 
Chauncy Street property, even when added to all 
the available assets arising from the sale of pews in 
the new church and invested funds still on hand, 
did not nearly cover the cost of the present house 
of worship. 

1 Adopted by vote of the church, Tuesday, April 21, 1868. At the same 
meeting the present collection of hymns was substituted for " The Christian 
Psalter." The adoption of the Liturgy was understood (and such has been the 
practice ever since) to leave room for the free indulgence of extemporaneous 
prayer. In 1869, the church record says, "some conversation was held as to 
the desirableness of conforming, in our administration of the Lord's Supper, 
to the order of our Liturgy, which we have not as yet followed in this ob- 
servance, still retaining our former way. The drift of opinion seemed to be 
against any change, though there were those who earnestly desired it. It 
was suggested that at some convenient time an informal vote should be taken 
to ascertain the preponderance of opinion as to this subject. There are 
many who cleave strongly to our old way." It does not appear that this 
vote was ever taken. If so, it must have opposed any alteration, for the 
church still clings to the old way of observing the communion. 

2 Mr. Otto Cuntz, a former active member of the society, among other 
useful services, carried on the necessary and extended correspondence with 
the makers of the instrument. 



314 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

But with a generosity which to look back upon 
now seems ahiiost incredible, various members of 
the society pledged themselves to cover the large 
deficiency. In this way four separate subscriptions 
were raised, amounting in all to over one hundred 
and twenty- five thousand dollars, until at last, by 
these persistent efforts, the church stood free of 
debt.^ This happy state of things was reached in 
1876. 

Memoranda of Funds expended in Constr-uction of the N'ew Chureh, with 
Organ, etc., Complete? 

Invested fund, $36,885, at par, April, 1866, realized $38,785 

Old church sold for net i35'-66 

Release of restriction to Gushing estate 10,000 

Pews in new church sold for $56,560 

Less paid for pews in old church, say 8,000 

48,560 

First subscription 83,000 

Second subscription 36,100 

$351,711 
From this should be deducted the total of the respective 
amounts '■'' by which the expenses current have exceeded 
the receipts yearly, since 1S64, at which time the defi- 
ciency commenced, namely : — 
From 1864 to 1870 $19,720 

1870 to 1871 6,611 

187 1 to 1S72 3,Soo 

1872 to 1873 4,Soo 

34,931 

$316,780 

Taxes on the new church before occupation, omitted above . . . 2,500 

$314,280 

1 The names of those who, by their prompt and generous action, carried 
the church through this period are inscribed on the records in grateful recog- 
nition of their services. 

2 This statement makes the church cost when complete for occupation, 
with organ, carpets, gas, etc., $314,280. It finally came to about $325,000. 

^ These having been paid out of the above receipts. 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 315 

In the report which the committee make at the 
annual meeting, April 15, they "announce to the 
proprietors that the corporation is now entirely free 
from debt, and that its affairs are in a prosperous 
condition, and that the current receipts from pew 
taxes and rents promise to fully meet the expenses 
for the ensuing year." 

In the year 1870 members of the society, with 
the consent of the corporation, sent the pastor 
abroad for a vacation of six months, in order to 
recruit his health. The pulpit was meantime sup- 
plied at the expense of the society. 

In the year 1878 an informal meeting of the whole 
society (communicants and non-communicants) was 
held in the chapel to listen to an account of the re- 
ligious work of the church, which had now reached 
such large proportions. " The purpose of these 
gatherings, which occur annually shortly after 
Easter, is to create a deeper interest in the welfare 
of the church, and the good influences to be sent 
from it." Besides these meetings there have been 
others of late years of a more distinctively social 
character, at which papers have been read by various 
members of the congregation, — among others by 
the late Judge Thomas, by Nathaniel Silsbee, and 
by the present writer. 

Arrangements were made and most successfully 
carried out for a recognition by the parish of the 
twenty-fifth anniversary of the settlement of the 
present pastor. The entire congregation partici- 



3l6 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

pated in the enjoyment of the occasion. As in 
former times it was the custom of the church to 
give a new incumbent a small " token of their love 
and regard," so now with the same kindly motives 
as applied to the labors of a quarter of a century 
in their behalf, young and old, rich and poor, 
fathers, mothers, and children, — all who had any 
connection with the church, — joined in a most 
-generous and appropriate recognition of those ser- 
vices. 

In response to this general welcome the minis- 
ter added the following to his anniversary sermon 
(preached on the following day), which the appear- 
ance of the manuscript seems to indicate had been 
completely written without the least suspicion of the 
pleasure which was in store for him : — 

" I must linger a moment upon the exceeding kindness 
which so touched my heart yesterday. I should deserve 
to be called a very dull scholar if I have not learned to 
express my gratitude, so abundant have been my oppor- 
tunities ; and yet now, as ever, it seems to me that I fall 
short in a fitting acknowledgment of your thoughtfulness 
and generosity, and of the affectionate confidence which is 
more precious than the costliest offerings. Let me try to 
put into deeds what I cannot put into words ; and as I 
thankfully accept the beautiful memorial of ' our twenty- 
five years together ' and its accompanying bounty, and 
read the names of fathers and mothers and friends and 
young children, — the parish list which your own hands 
have written down for me, — may they and all their fellow- 
worshippers become to me anew my larger household, my 
own, for which only infidelity can fail to provide." 



1850-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 317 

This twenty-fifth anniversary sermon (which has 
never been printed) gathers up a great deal of infor- 
mation concerning the period w^iich it covers. It 
gives, for example, the following statistics : " The 
church books show, in the twenty-five years, three 
hundred and twenty-five baptisms, two hundred and 
twenty additions to the church covenant, and one 
hundred and seventy marriages, while the Sunday 
school has grown from fifty to four hundred and 
fifty." ^ 

In the first year of his ministry the present pas- 
tor made the following memorandum : There were 
"eighty families belonging to the church when I 
came to take charge. But some whose names are 
on the list were not to be found in the society; 
twelve or thirteen have died or removed from the 
city, and four no longer attend.^ The entire rental 
of the church amounted to twenty-five hundred 
dollars." 

The last and crowning event in the period cov- 
ered by this history has already been amply recorded 
in another volume.^ But some mention at least of 
the occasion can hardly be omitted in this sketch. 

• The number of admissions since the present minister was settled (a 
period of twenty-eight years) has now (June, 1881) reached three hundred 
and sixty-three. The number of marriages during the same period is one 
hundred and ninety-eight. 

2 The number of families at present connected with the church is two. 
hundred and fifty, some of whom (about one hundred) are drawn to the ser- 
vices through the influence of the Sunday school, and occupy free seats in 
the gallery. 

3 " The Commemoration by the First Church in Boston of the Completion 
of Two Hundred and Fifty Years since its Foundation," etc. 



31 8 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1S50-S0. 

The date finally fixed upon for the celebration of 
the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the for- 
mation of the First Church in Boston was Thurs- 
day, Nov. 18, 1880. All the arrangements for its 
commemoration were made with great care and 
comprehensiveness. For the first time in the his- 
tory of the church, a special programme was pre- 
pared for the occasion. The house of worship, 
beautiful in itself, was adorned with added attrac- 
tions in the shape of choice flowers and rich 
decorations. The programme included three dis- 
tinct observances : ist. Exercises in the church, 
appointed to begin at two o'clock p. m. ; 2d. A 
concert by the church choir at eight o'clock in the 
evening ; 3d. A social reunion and repast in the 
chapel at the close of the musical entertainment. 
Although only a limited number of tickets to the 
body of the house could be issued, very few seats 
appeared to be vacant when the afternoon services 
began. 

Among the invited guests were the commander 
(Charles W. Stevens) and staff of the Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery Company, — an organization 
almost as ancient as the parish, — who, with the 
committee in charge of the celebration, occupied re- 
served seats on the floor of the church. The gallery 
was free to the public. Besides the speakers there 
were present on the platform, erected in the chancel 
of the church, Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson, Mr. Jus- 
tin Winsor, Mr. Marshall P. Wilder, and the Rev. 



1S50-S0.] RUFUS ELLIS. 310 

Drs. A. P. Peabody, F. H. Hedge, E. E. Hale, and 
a few others. The speakers were the Hon. Nathan- 
iel Silsbee, — who made the address of welcome in 
the absence of the chairman of the committee on 
the celebration, Mr. Nathaniel Thayer, — the Rev. 
George E. Ellis, D.D., the Hon. Robert C. Win- 
throp, his Excellency Governor John D. Long, his 
Honor Mayor Frederic O. Prince, President Eliot 
of Harvard University, President Noah Porter of 
Yale College, Rev. Grindall Reynolds, Rev. Phillips 
Brooks, D.D., Prof. C. C. Everett, D.D., Hon. Rob- 
ert S. Rantoul, Rev. G. W. Briggs, D.D. 

In addition to these, the pastor of the church 
made the opening prayer, and introduced the speak- 
ers. Joseph T. Dur3'ea, D.D., read selections from 
the Scriptures, and William Everett, Ph.D., deliv- 
ered a poem. The Rev. Charles T. Brooks con- 
tributed a hymn, and the exercises closed with a 
benediction asked by Rev. John H. Morison, D.D. 

Everything combined to make the occasion most 
memorable in the annals of Church and State. The 
dignified tone of the speeches, the exquisite grace 
of the written contributions, and the careful render- 
ing of the musical selections, were all so well adapted 
and arranged as to hold the close attention of a large 
and sympathetic audience to the very end, and left 
absolutely nothing to be desired. 

At the appointed time the church choir, consist- 
ing of Miss Annie Louise Gage, soprano, Mrs. Jen- 
nie M. Noyes, contralto, Mr. W. H. Fessenden, 



320 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-S0. 

tenor, Mr. Clarence E. Hay, bass, and Mr. Arthur 
Foote, leader and accompanist, gave a most delight- 
ful concert ; after which the society and a few in- 
vited guests passed into the chapel to indulge in 
the more informal festivities of the day. The com- 
mittee of twelve in charge of the celebration con- 
sisted of the following ladies and gentlemen : 
Nathaniel Thayer (chairman), Hon. G. Washington 
Warren, George W. Wales, Hon. George S. Hale, 
Mrs. Jacob C. Rogers, Miss Gertrude S. Ellis, James 
C. White, Asa P. Potter, Joseph B. Moors, Thomas 
Minns, William F. Matchett, and Thomas O. 
Richardson. 

In this connection it is proper to mention the part 
which the church took in the city celebration of Sep- 
tember 17. The old ties which formerly knit the two 
together so closely were properly recognized on that 
occasion. On the evening of September 16 a fitting 
address was delivered in Faneuil Hall on behalf of 
First Church, on invitation from his Honor Mayor 
Prince, by the Hon. G. Washington Warren, a 
member of the society. On the day of the celebra- 
tion Rev. George E. Ellis, D. D., in the absence of 
his brother, the pastor of the church, who was spend- 
ing a vacation abroad, performed the duties of chap- 
lain at the exercises which took place in the Old 
South Church. Besides the chaplain, a part of 
the committee of First Church rode in carnages 
as invited guests in the grand procession which 
followed. 



1S50-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 321 

The history of First Church has been thus traced 
down through two hundred and fifty years of un- 
broken prosperity. Formed at a remoter period 
than the town of Boston, the latter may be said to 
have sprung from its loins. Hand in hand the 
two proceeded for many years, each assisting the 
other in the exercise of a common sway. In course 
of time, however, the tie was loosened, until at last 
the church was left to accomplish its own work. 

Two hundred and fifty years have passed since 
this church was gathered, and still it lives and bears 
its fruits. Born in adversity, in spite of all " com- 
plaints and evil prophecies," it has been steadily 
advancing down to the present day. Departed, some 
say, from the creed of its founders. Very true, but 
departed to some purpose. Has the religion which 
Christ came to teach suffered on that account.? If 
religion lives in good works, then truly is this parent 
church illustrating as good a creed as that of its 
early fathers. 

In the words of a former pastor,^ " I have consid- 
ered the days of old, the years of ancient times." 
But let us give heed to the warning which the pe- 
rusal teaches. Communing with the past history 
of a church, however interesting and suggestive 
it may be, is scarcely worth indulging unless it 
affords us lessons for the future. As we look back 
on the long array of those whose services in this 
church are still a living testimony, we seem to be 

1 Dr. Frothingham in his Bi-centennial sermon. 
21 



322 FIRST CHURCH IN BOSTON. [1850-80. 

compassed about by a cloud of witnesses. We feel 
their presence and their guiding influence. Take 
courage, they seem to say. Bear up the ark of 
God and press onward. Another century is yet 
before you. 



These pages were passing to the press when the 
nation — one might almost say in common with the 
civilized world, so wide-spread were the expressions 
of sympathy — was called upon to observe a day of 
mourning for the martyred President of the United 
States. The time set apart for the observance in 
Boston was eleven a. m. on Monday, Sept. 26, 1881, 
corresponding to the day and hour when the fun- 
eral rites were to be performed in Cleveland, Ohio. 

Commemorative services were held in First 
Church on two successive days. The first was on 
Sunday, September 25, when the minister preached 
a memorial sermon from Rev. xx. 12, which was lis- 
tened to with marked attention. On the day of the 
national observance the minister conducted the ser- 
vice for the burial of the dead, and brief impressive 
addresses were delivered by Dr. George E. Ellis, 
brother of the pastor, and Rev. O. B. Frothingham, 
a son of the late minister of First Church. At the 
close of this service the congregation united in 
singing the anthem, " God bless our native land," 
by J. S. Dwight, to the tune of "America." 

On both occasions the entrances to the church, 



1S50-80.] RUFUS ELLIS. 323 

the pulpit, choir raihng, organ, chancel, and com- 
munion table were heavily draped in black, relieved 
with bands of white. The singing of the choir was 
very impressive, especially on the latter occasion, 
when it was without any organ accompaniment. 
Both services will long be remembered for the ear- 
nest and solemn manner with which they were cop- 
ducted, and the profound impressions which they 
produced upon the congregations. 



OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES 

OF THE CHURCH. 



OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES OF 
THE CHURCH. 



LIST OF MINISTERS OF THE FIRST CHURCH 
IN BOSTON. 

John Wilson. Installed as teacher, Aug. 27, 1630; as pastor, Nov. 22, 

1632. Died Aug. 7, 1667, aged 78. 
John Cotton. Installed as teacher, Oct. 10, 1633. Died Dec. 23, 1652,1 

aged 67. 
John Norton. Installed as teacher, July 23, 1656. Died April 5, 1663, 

aged 57. 
John Davenport. Installed as pastor, Dec. 9, 166S. Died March 15, 

1670, aged 72. 
J.\MES Allen. Installed as teacher, Dec. 9, 1668. Died Sept. 22, 17 10, 

aged 78. 
■John O.xenbridge. Installed as pastor, April 10, 1670. Died Dec. 28, 

1674, aged 66. 
Joshua Moodey. Installed as assistant, May 3, 16S4. Died July 4, 1697, 

aged 65. 
John Bailey. Installed as assistant, July 17, 1693. Died Dec. 12, 1697, 

aged 53. 
Benjamin Wadsworth. Ordained Sept. 8, 1696. (Chosen president of 

Harvard College, 1725.) Died Mar. 12, 1737, aged 67. 
Thomas Bridge Installed May 10, 1705. Died Sept. 26, 1715, aged 58. 
Thomas Fo.xcroft. Ordained Nov. 20, 1717. Died June 18, 1769, aged 72. 
Charles Chauncy, D.D. Ordained Oct. 25, 1727. Died Feb. 10, 1787, 

aged 82. 
John Clarke, D.D. Ordained July 8, 1778. Died April 2, 179S, aged 42. 

■ "Theire was 2iSiarr appeared on ye gth of y« lo'h m? 1652. darke and yet great 
for compasse. w'h Long blaze dim also to y- east, and was quicke in y^ motion, and 
every night it was less and less till y- 22 of ye same month and then it did no more ap- 
peare, it b'einc; y^ night before o^ Reverend Teacher mr John Cotton Died y^ Greatest 
Starr in ye Churches of Christ yt we could heare of in ye Christian world for opening 
and vnfolding ye coun^sells of Christ to ye churches, and all ye Christian world did re- 
ceive hght by his Ministry." — Church Records, fly-leaf. 



328 OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES. 

William Emerson. Installed Oct. 16, 1799. Died, May 12, 1811, aged 42. 
John Lovejoy Abbot. Ordained July 14, 1S13. Died Oct. 17, 1814, 

aged 31. 
Nathaniel Langdon Frothingham, D.D. Ordained Mar. 15, 181 5. 

(Resigned March, 1850.) Died April 4, 1S70, aged 76. 
RuFUS Ellis, D.D. Installed May 4, 1853. 



RULING ELDERS OF .FIRST CHURCH. 

August 27, 1630. Increase Nowell. 

Nbv'b'r 22, 1632. Thomas Oliver (died y= i of y'^ ii"i m? 1657). 

October 10, 1633. Thomas Leverett (died the 2- oiy^ 2 m° : 1650). 

r James Penn (died y«= 30 of 8 m? 71, (Efat 70). 
12 of y'= 7"'m? 1650. s Willyam Colbron (died y'= i of y« 6"' m". 1662). 

' Jacob Eliot (died the 6'!' of y^ 3''m'? 1651). 
10 of y^ 2f'm° 1670. John Wiswell. 

28 : 2 : 72. Thomas Clarke. 
August 14, 1679. Mr. Prout and Mr. Addington. 
March 19, 1694/5. Mr. Joseph Bridgham 1 and Mr. Thomas Jackson. 
Sept'b'r 18, 1701. Deacon Bridgham and Deacon Cop. 



DEACONS. 



Aug. 27, 1630. William Gager (died Sept. 20, 1630) and William As- 
pinwall. 

October 10, 1633. Giles Firmin. 

27th of ye g'h moneth 1636. M'' William Hutchinson and Jacob Elyott. 

17 of y« 3 m° 1640. Valentine Hill and Jacob Elyott. 

1643 (•')• Willyam Colbron (or Colborne). 

7 m? 1650. Thomas Marshall, James Johnson, Rich : Trusdall. 
(Johnson was dismissed from office in 1667. — Cliurch Records, 31.) 

In the year 1666 & 67. Jacob Eliot and Edward Ransford. (Both dis- 
missed from office in 166S, during the Davenport controversy. — Church 
Records, 31.) 

14 of y« 12 m? 1668. Henry Bridgham, Robert Saunders, Henry 
Allen. 

September 6, 1696. David Copp and John Marion, Jun"" (died Jan. 3, 
1727/8, (Stat. 75). 

1 " Mr. Joseph Bridgham, one of the Ruling Elders of this Church, died Janv 5th 
1708/9. His death was much lamented." — Church Records, 99. 



TREASURERS. 030 

November 9, 1701. Isaiah Tay (dismissed to the church of Drs. Colman 
and Cooper, May 14: 17 21 . — Church Records, 59, 113, 2S9). 

Octobers, 1704. Thomas Hubbart (died Nov. 7, 1717). 

April 12, 1719. .Samuel Marshall (died Feb. 10, 1742/3, ^/a/. 91) and 
Jonathan Williams (died March 27, 1737, cs(at. 62). 

May 23, 1731. Zech. Thayer (died Feb. 7, 1735/6, atat. 52). 

November 9, 1735. Thomas Wait. 

April 7 (.'), 1736. Cornelius Thayer (died April 10, 1745, a:tat. 59). 

October 16 (?), 1737. Jonathan Williams. 

August 18, 1747. Daniel Marsh ("But to this day, JanT i, 1754, declines 
being ordained."— C/z^rr/i Records, 97). 

1779 (?)• Jacob Williams and James Thwing. 

December 20, 1789. David Tilden and James Morrill. 

February 5, 1S15. James Hiller Foster. 

May 18, 1S62. George Oliver Harris. 

April II, 1S72. John Collamore and George Washington Warren. 



TREASURERS. 







1727. 


Jeremiah Allen (resigned in 1732). 


June 


20, 


1732- 


Jonathan Jackson (died in 1736). 


Aug. 


20, 


1736- 


John Wheelwright. 


July 


8, 


1755- 


William Blair Townsend. 


July 


8, 


1777. 


John Waldo. 






1778. 


Joseph Webb. 


July 


10, 


1787. 


David Tilden (died in 1813 or 1814). 


July 


26, 


1814. 


James Thw^ing (resigned the same year). 


July 


18, 


1815. 


James Morrill. 


July 


31. 


1827. 


James H. Foster. 


Nov. 


20, 


1827. 


William Hayden, Jr. 


July 


19. 


1831. 


David Francis. 


July 


19. 


1836. 


Benjamin B. Appleton. 


April 


16, 


1844- 


John Hooper. 


April 


16, 


1850. 


David Francis. 


April 


19' 


1853- 


Edward F. Weld. 


April 


17, 


1855- 


Charles L. Hayward. 


April 


29, 


1863. 


George W. Messinger. 


April 


19. 


1S70. 


George O. Harris. 


April 


17. 


1S77. 


George L. Deblois. 



330 



OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES. 



CLERKS. 



July 8, 1808. Samuel Bradford. 

July 26, 1814. James H. Foster. 

July 31, 1821. David Francis. 

July 28, 1829. Daniel L. Gibbens. 

July i6, 1833. Charles C. Paine. 

July 21, 1S35. Benjamin B. Appleton. 

July 19, 1836. Daniel L. Gibbens. 

July 17, 1838. Thomas Sherwin. 

April 19, 1842. John P. Bigelow. 

April 16, 1844. J. Thomas Stevenson. _ 

April 15, 1845. John P. Bigelow. J 

April 21, 1846. Rev. Charles Brooks. 

Feb. 4, 1850. Joseph H. Buckingham. 

April 19, 1859. George O. Harris. 

April 17, 1877. George L. Deblois. 



EXPLANATIONS. — " Re-elected " indicates that the same individuals hold over 
from tlie preceding year, i. e. continue in office. 

Where one member retires and another is substituted in his place, no other change 
occurring, the full list is not repeated, but the name of the new member is placed in 
italics; e.g., "July 12, 1743, substitute Edward Jackson for Capt. Bedgood ; " in this 
case Edward Jackson is the only new member. In every other case than the foregoing, 
unless specially mentioned, the list for each year is given in full. 

The list of admissions prior to a.d. 1640 is copied from the church records in 
" Memorial History of Boston," Vol. I. 565. 



COMMITTEES OF SEATERS. 

Aug. 14, 1679. Deacon Allen, M'' Fayre Weather, M'' Prout, Cap'. 
Townsend and M'' Deering. 

June 24, 1 691. M"^ Sampson Stoddard, M'' Browne, and M"" James 
Barnes "added" to the aforesaid Committee. 

Nov. 24, 1691. Parsons, Sampson Stoddard, and Browne. 

Jan. 12, 1693/4. M'' Cooke & M"' Adington "added to the three" [pre- 
ceding]. 

April 2, 1713. Dr. CooK, Coll" Hutchinson, M"' Addington, M' 
Eliakim Hutchinson, Coll" Townsend, Deacon 
Marion, M' Wellsted, My Jer. Allen, M"" Gouch. 

Sept. 27, 17 1 5. Deacon Hubbard, added to the aforesaid Committee. 



ANNUAL COMMITTEES. 



331 



Aug. 18, 1718. "Elisha Cook, Esq^, & William Hutchinson, Esq^, 
were chosen seaters to join with and assist the sealers 
that be already." 

May 18, 1725. Hon. Coll. Tovvnsend, M'' Treasurer Allin, Capt. 
GoocH, Capt. Green, & M'' Jonathan Waldo. 

Jan. 25, 1727,8. Elisha Cooke, Jer. Allen, Nath^ Green, James 
GoocH, and Jon^h Waldo. 

Aug. 16, 1731. Col? Byfield, Cap' Wadsworth, Mr. Jackson, Cap? 
Bedgood, and Mr. Cornelius Waldo. 

Aug. 20, 1736. Joseph Hubbard and John Wheelwright, chosen to 
fill vacancies. (Seaters chosen annually after this date.) 

Aug. 31, 1737. The Honi^'^ Joseph Wadsworth, Esq.,i Capt. Jeffry 
Bedgood, Mr. Joseph Hubbard, Mr. Cornelius 
Waldoe, and Mr. Nath^ Balston. 

Jan. 23, 1738/9. (Substitute Hon. Col''. Winthrop iox Hon. Joseph Wads- 
worth.) 

July 14, 1742. (Re-elected.) 

July 12, 1743. Substitute Edward yackson for Capt. Bedgood. 

July 10, 1744. Substitute Mr. Edward Gray for Col. WiNTHROP. 

July 9, 1745. (Re-elected.) 

July 22, 1746. (Re-elected.) 



ANNUAL COMMITTEES. 

(The name of the committee is changed and their functions enlarged in 1747 by 
vote of the church. — Church Records, 161.) 

July 14, 1747. (Re-elected.) 

July 25, 1748. (Re-elected.) 

July 28, 1749. (Re-elected.) 

July 10, 1750. (Substitute Capt. Jeremiah Green for Mr. Edward Gray.) 

July 23, 1751. NathV Balston, Esq., Jeremy Green, Esq., M"; Edw^ 

Jackson, Mr. Jonathan Williams. 
July 30, 1751. (Increased to 7.) Cornelius Waldo, Esq., Mr. Joseph 

Hubbard, & Maj"' Thwing. 



1 Not a communicant. 



332 OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES. 

STANDING COMMITTEES. 

(The term "Standing Committee" is first distinctively applied in 1752.) 

July 14, 1752. Nath^ Balston, Esq., Edward Jackson, Jer. Green, 

Esq., Deacon Waite, Mr. Sam. Hill, Mr. W" Blair 

TowNSEND, & Deacon Williams. 
July 10, 1753. NathV Balston, Esq., Cap' Jer. Green, Mr. Sam^^l Hill, 

Mr. W^ Blair ToWnsend, Mai"' Natrel Thwing, M'' 

W*'' Fairfield, & Mr. Benja. Austin. 
July 9, 1754. (Reduced to 5.) Jeremiah Green, Esq., Mr. Edward 

Jackson, Mr. Benja. Austin, Mr. Samuel Hill, & 

W^i Fairfield. 
July 8, 1755. (Increased to 7.) Mr. Townsend & Mr. Knight added 

to the preceding number. 
July 13, 1756. (Substitute Middlecott Cooke for Mr. Knight.) 
July ig, 1757. (Substitute Joseph Green for EDWARD Jackson.) 
July II, 1758. (Re-elected) 
July 9, 1759. (Re-elected.) 

July 7,1760. (Substitute y^i/w? ?F/i(?<?/7w-/>///' for W" Fairfield.) 
July 14, 1761. (Substitute John Gray for John Wheelwright.) 
July 27, 1762. (Re-elected.) 

July 12, 1763. (Substitute John Salter for Sam^l Hill.) 
July 10, 1764. (Re-elected.) 
July 9, 1765. (Re-elected.) 
1766. (No record.) 
July 14, 1767. (Re-elected.) 

July 12, 1768. (Substitute Daniel Waldo for John Salter.) 
July II, 1769. (Substitute Samuel Partridge iox Daniel Waldo.) 
July ID, 1770. (Re-elected.) 

July ID, 1771. ['$,\^!oi\AK.vA.Q. Samuel Pemberton, Esq.yiox Middlecot Cooke.) 
July 1772. (Re-elected.) 
July 13, 1773. (Re-elected.) 
July 12, 1774. (Re-elected.) 
1775. (No record.) 
Aug. 13, 1776. Jera Green, Esqy, Sam^ Pemberton, Esq., Jn? Gray, Esq., 

Capf Saml Partridge, Joseph Greenleaf, Esq^, Jn" 

Leverett, Esq., & W. James Thwing. 
July 8,1777. (Substitute ytJj^//^ Webb iox ]^o Leverett.) 
July 13, 1778. John Gray, Esq^, Capt. Samuel Partridge, M^ James 

Thwing, M"' Joseph Webb, M'' Jacob Williams, John 

Browne, & M'' John Waldo. 
July 6,1779. (Substitute 7c7//« ZoTw// for John Waldo.) 
July II. 1780. (Substitute Hon. Bejij. Austin for James Thwing.) 



STANDING COMMITTEES. 



)33 



July 10, 17S1. Hon. Benj. Austin, Jn^ Brown, Esq., Capt Sam. Par- 
tridge, Joseph Webb, M' John Cunningham, Deacon 
Jacob Williams, M' John Lowell, & Capt. Jx? 
Hinkley. 

July 9, 1782. (Reduced to 3.) Hon'^\« Benj. Austin, Deacon Jacob Wil- 
liams, Joseph Webb. 

July 15, 17S3. (Increased to 5.) Cap' Sam'- Partridge, Joseph Webb, 
Dea. Jacob Williams, Capt. Jn" Newell, Cap' Corn' 
Fellows. 

July 6, 1784. (Increased to 6.) Dea. Jacob Williams, Dea. James 
Thwing, Cap' Sam'- Partridge, John Gray, Esq., M' 
Joseph Russell, Joseph Webb. 

July 12, 17S5. (Reduced to 5.) D?. J.\coB Williams, D" Ja? Thwing, 
Joseph Webb, Joseph Russell, Jos. Barrell. 

July 17, 1786. (Substitute D: N. W. Appleton for Jos. Barrell.) 

Aug. 14, 1786. Jos. Barrell & James Morrill were added to the pre- 
ceding. 

July 10, 1787. Mr. Joseph Russell, Joseph Barrell, Esq., Deacon James 
Thwing, Deacon Jacob Williams, M"' James Morrill. 

July 8, 1788. Deacon Jacob Williams, Joseph Barrel, Esq., Mr. Da- 
vid Tilden, M"' William Morril, Mr. William Smith. 

July 8,1788. Mr. James Morril was added. 

July 7, 1789. Hon. Benjamin Austin, Jr., M'' James Morrill, Joseph 
Barrell, Esq., Dr. Nathaniel W. Appleton, Wil- 
liam Smith. 

Aug. 9, 1789. (Substitute Azw«f/ Crt<^f/ for Joseph Barrell.) 

July 6, 1790. (Re-elected.) 

July 10, 1791. (Re-elected.) 

July 3, 1792. (Re-elected.) 

July 2, 1793. (Substitute John Joy for Sam. Cabot.) 

July 8, 1794. David Tilden, James Morrill, William Smith, N.\- 
thaniel Fellows, Samuel Clap. 

July 7, 1795. (Increased to 6.) David Tilden, James Morrill, Wil- 
liam Smith, Nathaniel Fellows, Jon>. L. Austin, 
William Little. 

July II, 1796. (Re-elected.) 

July u, 1797. (Re-elected.) 

July 17, 179S. William Smith, Jon* L. Austin, Dan' D. Rogers, John 
Joy, James Morrill, David Tilden. 

July 23, 1799. (Re-elected.) 

July 10, 1800. David Tilden, James Morrill, William Smith, Dan- 
iel D. Rogers, Jon^ L. Austin, John Joy, Samuel 
Bradford. 

July 14, 1801. David Tilden, James Morrill, William Smith, Jon^ 
L. Austin, John Joy, S.a.m^ Bradford. 

July 27, 1802. (Re-elected.) 



334 



OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES. 



July II, 1803. (Re-elected.) 

July 10, 1804. (Re-elected.) 

July 9, 1805. (Substitute Enoch Husc for JON'^ L. Austin.) 

July 8, 1806. (Re-elected.) 

July 14, 1807. (Re-elected.) 

July 19, 1808. (Re-elected.) 

July 18, 1809. (Re-elected.) 

July 17, i8io. (Re-elected.) 

July 16, 1811. (Re-elected.) 

July 21, 1812. (Re-elected.) 

July 12, 1813. (Increased to 9). David Tilden, James Morrill, John 
Joy, William Smith, Enoch Huse, Sam. Bradford, 
James Thwing, James Phillips, Ed. Reynolds. 

July 26, 1814. James Morrill, James Thwing, William Smith, Enoch 
Huse, James Phillips, Edward Reynolds, Daniel 
Messinger, James H. Foster. 

July 18, 181 5. James Morrill, William Smith, Daniel Sargent, 
Enoch Huse, Edward Reynolds, Daniel Messin- 
ger, James Phillips, Peter C. Brooks, James H. 
Foster. 

July 23, 1816. (Substitute Tiu-ncr Phillips for William Smith.) 

July 29, 1817. (Substitute Allen Crocker iox Enoch Huse.) 

July 28, 1818. (Re-elected.) 

July 27, 1819. (Re-elected.) 

Aug. I, 1820. (Re-elected.) 

July 31, 1821. (Re-elected.) 

July 30. 1822. ['^v^^'CxtMiQ David Francis iox James Phillips.) 

July 29, 1823. (Re-elected.) 

July 27, 1824. Deacon Morrill, Deacon Foster, D. Messinger, P. C. 
Brooks, J. P. Bradlee, Charles Sprague, Eben"^ 
Chadwick, D. L. Gibbens, D. Francis. 

Aug. 2, 1825. James Morrill, James H. Foster, Daniel Messinger, 
Peter C. Brooks, James Phillips, David Francis, 
Daniel L. Gibbens, Eben^ Chadwick, Joseph Otis. 

Aug. 1,1826. (Substitute C//ar/,fj- .S/ra^z/d' for James Phillips.) 

July 31, 1827. Deacon Morrill, Deacon Foster, Daniel Messinger, 
Daniel L. Gibbens, David Francis, Joseph Otis, 
Peter C. Brooks, James Phillips, Joseph T. Buck- 
ingham. 

July 29, 1828. Deacon Morrill, Daniel Messinger, Daniel L. Gib- 
bens, Joseph Otis, Josiah Bradlee, Charles 
Sprague, Ebenezer Chadwick, J. T. Buckingham, 
David Francis. 

July 28, 1829. (Substitute ya7nes Phillips for Joseph Otis.) 

July 20, 1830. (Re-elected.) 

July 19, 1831. (Re-elected.) 



STANDING COMMITTEES. ^35 

Jul)' 17, 1832. (Re-elected ) 

July 16, 1833. James Phillips [Chairman], Samuel H. Babcock, Asa 
Richardson, Daniel Messinger, David Francis, 
Daniel L. Gibbens, Joseph T. Buckingham, Wil- 
liam Hayden, Jr., George Barker. 

July 15, 1834. Daniel L. Gibbens, Daniel Messinger, William Hay- 
den, Jr., David Francis, Samuel H. Babcock, 
George Barker, James Phillips, William B. Fowle, 
Hazen Morse. 

July 21, 1835. (Re-elected; Daniel Messinger chosen Chairman.) 

July 19,1836. (Substitute A'(w// Z?c7^wi<'// for William B. Fowle.) 

July iS, 1837. (Re-elected.) 

July 17, 183S. Daniel Messinger, James Phillips, William Hay- 
den, Jr., S. H. Babcock, George Barker, Noah Dog- 
gett, William G. Brooks, B. B. Appleton, John 
Hooper. 

July 16, 1839. D. L. Gibbens (Chairman), J. S. Foster, J. Phillips, 
William Hayden, Jr., S. H. Babcock, George Bar- 
ker, N. Doggett, John Hooper, B. B. Appleton. 

July 21, 1840. D. L. Gibbens, W. Hayden, George Barker, B. B. 
Appleton, John Hooper, S. L. Abbot, Thomas 
Sherwin, F. H. Bradlee, T. B. Wales. 

July 20, 1841. D. L. Gibbens, B. B. Appleton, John Hooper, S. L. 
Abbot, S. H. Babcock, Jos. West, J. P. Bigelow, 
John E. Thayer, S. H. Rich. 

April 19, 1842. (Re-electel.) 

April 18, 1843. Daniel L. Gibbens, Benjamin B. Appleton, John 
Hooper, John Eliot Thayer, John P. Bigelow, 
Samuel Henshaw, Jonathan Preston, Samuel 
Br.\dlee, John Thomas Stevenson. 

April 16, 1S44. Samuel Henshaw {Chairman), Samuel Bradlee, J. 
Thos. Stevenson, John Eliot Thayer, John Hooper, 
Joseph West, Samuel Frothingham, Jr. 

April 15, 1845. (Substitute John P. Bigdozo for Samuel Bradlee.) 

April 21, 1846. (Substitute Chai-les Brooks iox ]OYm P. Bigelow.) 

April 13, 1S47. (Re-elected.) 

April II, 1848. (Re-elected.) 

April 10, 1849. (Re-elected.) 

April 16, 1850. Ezra Lincoln {Chairman), David Francis, James T. 
Hayward, Thomas B. Wales, Jr., Otis Rich, Chris- 
topher C. Chadwick, J. T. W^ Sargent. 

April 15, 1851. Ezra Lincoln, David Francis, James T. Hayward, 
Thomas B. Wales, Jr., Otis Rich, Samuel L. Ab- 
bot, Horace Dupee. 

April 20, 1852. Edward Everett {Chairman), Nath^ L. Frothing- 
ham, Sam^ L. Abbot, Horace Dupee, David Fran- 
cis, Otis Rich, J. T. W. Sargent. 



;^^6 OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES. 

April 19, 1853. (Substitute WiUiatn Haydcn for David Francis.) 

July 18, 1853. {'ivih^xXx.M.X.Q Edivard F. Weldiox Edward Everett.) 

April 18, 1854. William Hayden (^Chairman), N. L. Frothingham, 
Otis Rich, Samuel L. Abbot, Horace Dupee, Ed- 
ward F. Weld, Thomas B. Wales. 

April 17, 1855. William Hayden, Otis Rich, Samuel L. Abbot, Hor- 
ace Dupee, Charles L. Hayward, George Bates, 
Thomas B. Wales. 

April 15, 1856. (Re-elected.) 

April 21. 1857. (Substitute Prescott Bigclow for George Bates.) 

April 20, 1 8 58. (Re-elected.) 

April 19, 1S59. (Re-elected.) 

April 17, i860. (Re-elected.) 

April 16, 1861. (Re-elected.) 

April 15, 1862. (Re-elected.) 

April 21, 1863. (Substitute George W. Messiiiger for William Hayden; 
Thomas B. Wales chosen Chairman.) 

April 19, 1864. Thomas B. Wales, Otis Rich, Samuel L. Abbot, 
George W. Messinger, Nathaniel Thayer, John 
Collamore, D. W. Salisbury. 

April 18, 1S65. (Re-elected.) 

April 17, 1866. (Substitute A?;«?^f/ j^. Gookiniox Otis Rich.) 

April 16, 1867. Nathaniel Thayer [Chairman), George W. Messin- 
ger, Samuel L. Abbot, Samuel H. Gookin, D. 
Waldo Salisbury, George W. Wales, Turner Sar- 
gent. 

April 21, 1868. (Re-elected.) 

April 20, 1S69. (Increased to 12.) Nathaniel Thayer, George W. 
Messinger, Samuel L. Abbot, Samuel H. Gookin, 
D. Waldo Salisbury, George W. Wales, Turner 
Sargent, Andrew T. Hall, Henry Salstonstall, 
John H. Reed, Joseph B. Moors, Daniel L. Spooner. 

April 19, 1870. (Substitute Jacob C. Rogers iox Daniel L. Spooner.) 

April 18, 1871. Nathaniel Thayer, Samuel L. Abbot, Samuel H. 
Gookin, D. Waldo Salisbury, George W. Wales, 
Turner Sargent, Andrew T. Hall, John H. Reed, 
Joseph B. Moors, Jacob C. Roger.s, George O. 
Shattuck, Sewall H. Fessenden. 

April 16, 1872. (Substitute Otis Driiry iox Samuel H. Gookin.) 

April 11;, 1873. (Substitute T/iotiias Jlfiims iox Sewall H. Fessenden.) 

April 21, 1874. Nathaniel Thayer, Samuel L. Abbot, D. Waldo 
Salisbury, George W. Wales, Turner Sargent, 
Andrew T. Hall, John H. Reed, Joseph B. Moors, 
George O. Sh.-^.ttuck, Thomas Minns, William 
F. Matchett, James C. White. 

April 20, 1S75, (Substitute Daniel C. Holder iox Turner Sargent.) 



ORGANISTS. — SEXTONS. 



337 



April i8, 1S76. Nathaniel Thayer, Samuel L. Abbot, D. Waldo 
Salisbury, George W. Wales, John H. Reed, Jo- 
seph B. Moors, George O. Shattuck, William F. 
Matchett, James C. White, Daniel C. Holder, 
Reuben E. Demmon, Thomas O. Richardson. 

April 17, 1877. (Substitute Asa P. Potter for John H. Reed.) 

April 16, 1878. (Substitute William A. Haskell for Nathaniel Thayer; 
George W. Wales chosen Chairman.) 

April 15, 1879. (Re-elected.) 

April 20, iSSo. (Increased to 13.) George W. Wales, Samuel L. Ab- 
bot, D. Waldo Salisbury, Joseph B. Moors, George 
O. Shattuck, William F. Matchett, James C. 
White, Daniel C. Holder, Reuben E. Demmon, 
Thomas O. Richardson, Asa P. Potter, William 
A. Haskell, Jacob C. Rogers. 

April 19, 1881. (Re-elected.) 



ORGANISTS. 

(This list is very incomplete down to 1850.) 

July 17, 1786. (First mentioned by name, but appears to have served for 

some time previous to this date.) John Greenleaf. 

(Had not retired July 14, 1807.) 

(The election of an organist passed into the charge of a special 
committee early in Dr. Frothingham's ministry, so that the record 
fails to mention his name among the hst of appointments at the 
annual meetings. ) 

1825. Thomas Trueman Spear. Resigned in 1832. 
G. W. T. Jones. Resigned in 1832. 

1850. David Paine. Resigned in 1869. 

1S69. Eugene Thayer. Resigned June 15, 1875. 
Sept. 15, 1875. Howard E. Parkhurst. Resigned in 1878. 
Oct. I, 1878. Arthur Foote. 



SEXTONS. 



The following entry is dated July 12, 174'?, and appears to be the first time the office 
is mentioned on the records : '■'■Voted. That the Deacons be desired to pay to the Sex- 
ton for his Service Ten pounds p Quarter old Tenour for one Year next coming." 

July 28, 1749. (First mentioned by name.) Thomas Williston. 

1776. George Roulstone (or Rolstone). Died in 1781. 
July 12, 1785. (First mentioned by name.) Matthew James. 

22 



338 OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES. 

July 6, 1790. Lemuel Ludden. Died or resigned in 1802. 

July 11,1803. (First mentioned by name.) James Menzies. 

July 10, 1804. Ebenezer Clafland (or Claflen). Died in 1831. 

April 7, 1831. Francis Dillaway. Died in 1850. 

Sept. 9, 1850. M. S. DODD. Died in February, 1864. 

1864. Ekenezer Sanborn. Died July 28, 1880. 

May I, 1880. John H. Hawes. 



DISPOSITION OF ELDER PENN'S LEGACY. 

[The will of James Penn is dated 29th September, 1671, and provides for the pay- 
ment of jGro out of the farm at Pullen Point (now Chelsea) to the Elders and Deacons 
of First Church for the maintenanc2 of such poor scholar or scholars at Harvard Col- 
lege 2& they shall see fit.] 

Hull Abbot. 

W" Sheaf, Nathaniel Davis of Roxbury, S'' Abbot, 
S'' Cotton. 

S"" Dunbar, S' Sheif. 

S"" D.avis (whose friends live at Roxbury), Webb, Sen- 
ior SOPHISTER. 

M^ Webb's son. Mad™ Cotton's son. 

Rev. M' Walter's son. Rev. M"' Rowland Cotton's 

son. 
R-v. M'' N. Walter's son. 
M'' Walter's son. 
M'' Walter's son. 
Christ". Bridge. 
Christ? Bridge. 
Christ? Bridge. 
Christ? Bridge. 
S'' Bridge. 

M"" Nathel Gardner's son. 
M'' Nath^^.l Gardner's son. 
M'' Nath^l Gardner's son. 
M"' Nath^.l Gardner's son. 
M"' Nath';L Gardner's son. 
Son of y« Rev. M'' John Brown (of Haverhill). 
Son of ys Rev. M' Brown. 
Son of ys Rev. M"' Brown. 
Another son of the late Rev^ M' Brown and Turel. 



July 


18, 


1720. 


Sept. 


10, 


1722. 


Feb. 


5. I 


723/4- 


Oct. 


12, 


1724. 


Dec. 


-7'. 


1725. 


Oct. 


17. 


1726. 


July 


3. 


1727. 


July 


I, 


1728. 


July 


I, 


1729. 


July 


I, 


1730- 


July 


-, 


1731- 


July 


II, 


1732- 


July 


-, 


1733- 


July 


-, 


1734- 


Oct. 


27. 


1735- 




Augt 


1736- 


July 


I, 


1737- 


July 


-, 


1738. 


July 


6, 


1739- 


July 


2, 


1740. 


July 


- 


1741. 


July 


-, 


1742. 


July 


~> 


1743- 



DISPOSITION OF ELDER PENN'S LEGACY. 



339 



July, 1744- 
July, 1745- 

March 21, 1746/7. 



Dec. 


23. 


1747- 
174S. 

1749- 


March 14, i; 


?5o;'i. 


Dec. 


16, 


1751- 




July, 


1752- 




July. 


1753- 


i; 


755 & 


1756. 




July, 


1757- 




July, 


1758. 




July, 


1759- 




July, 


1760. 




July, 


1761. 




July, 


1762. 




July, 


1763. 




July, 


1764. 




July, 


1765. 
1799. 


July 


I, 


1800. 


July 


I, 


1801. 


July 


I, 


1802. 


July 


I, 


1803. 


July 


2, 


1804. 


July 


8, 


1805. 


July 


7, 


1806. 


July 


I, 


1807. 


July 


I, 


1808. 


July 


I, 


1809. 


July 


2, 


i3io. 




July, 


iSii. 


July 


I, 


1S12. 


Aug'. 


21, 


1813. 




July, 


1814. 




July, 


181 5. 



TURELL and two sons of the Rev. M"^ Perkyns. 
Hon of M" Brown (wid. of y^ late Rev<i M"^ John 
Brown), Rev. M^ Perkyns's son, M' Matthew 
Adams's son. 
Thomas Foxcroft, Jr. (son of the Pastor of the 

church). 
Thomas Foxcroft, Jr. 
M' ^Ianning's son, y= late Rev. M' Willard's son, 

the late Rev. M^ Brown's son. 
Ebenezer Thayer (son of M- Nathaniel Thayer). 
Ebenezer Thayer, Samuel Foxcroft (son of the 
Pastor of the church). 

Ebenezer Thayer, Samuel Foxcroft. 

Ebenezer Thayer, Samuel Foxcroft. 
Ebenezer Thayer, Samuel Foxcroft. 
Ebenezer Thayer, Samuel Foxcroft. 

Williams Bradford. 

Williams Bradford. 

W^iLLiAMS Bradford. 

Christopher Bridge Marsh (son of Deacon Daniel 
Marsh of First Church). 

Rev. M"^ Stone's son. 

Son of Revd M"" Hull Abbot. 

Son of Revd M'' Hull Abbot. 

M"' Abbot's son. 

Thomson (son of Rev<| M"" Thomson of Scarborough). 

Andrew Eliot Thayer (son of Mrs. Martha Thayer). 

Andrew Eliot Thayer. 

Samuel Ripley. 

Andrew Eliot Thayer. 

Daniel Bliss Ripley. 

Ebenezer Hubbard. 

William Smith. 

Benj'^ Willard. 

William Smith. 

John H. Farnham. 

Jdun H. Farnham. 

John H. Farnham. 

John H. Farnham. 

Rufus Hurlbut, 

RuFUS Hurlbut. 

Samuel Hunt. 

William Emerson. 



340 



OFFICERS AND BENEFICIARIES. 



Juiy. 
July, 
July, 
July, 
July, 
July, 
July, 
July, 
July, 
July, 
July, 



8i6. William Emerson. 1841. 

817. Ralph Waldo Emerson. 1842. 

818. Ralph Waldo Emerson. 1843. 

819. Ralph Waldo Emerson. 1844. 

820. Ralph Waldo Emerson. 1845. 

821. Edward B. Emerson. 1846. 

822. Edward B. Emerson. 1847. 

823. Edward B. Emerson. 1848. 

824. Charles C. Emerson. 1849. 

825. Charles C. Emerson. 1850. 

826. Charles C. Emerson. 1851. 

827. Charles C. Emerson. 1852. 

828. Charles C. Emerson. 1853. 

829. Charles H. Allen. 1854. 

830. Charles H. Allen. 1855. 

831. Charles H. Allen. 1856. 

832. John Clark Allen. 1857. 

833. John Clark Allen. 1858. 

834. Henry David Thoreau. 1859. 

835. Henry David Thoreau. i860. 

836. Henry David Thoreau. 1861. 

837. Henry David Thoreau. 1862. 

838. Nathaniel G. Allen. 1863. 

839. n.a.thaniel g. allen. 1864. 

840. N-VPHANiEL G. Allen. 1865. 



Nathaniel G. Allen. 
Thomas Hill. 
Charles Short. 
Charles Short. 
Charles Short. 
James Morrill Allen. 
James Morrill Allen. 
James Morrill Allen ( 
James Morrill Allen ( 
Sidney Willard (?). 
Sidney Willard. 
Sidney Willakd. 
Geo. a. W. Chamberlai 
Charles A. Allen. 
Charles A. Allen. 
Charles A. Allen. 
Charles A. Allen. 
Robert Willard. 
Robert Willard. 
Stephen G. Emerson. 
Frederic Ware. 
Frederic Ware. 
Frederic Ware. 
Frederic Ware. 
John Hillis. 



[The rent charge having grown very cumbersome, the pastor and deacon of the 
church, at the request of the owners of the property, secured an act of the Legislature 
in 1866 authorizing them to re-lease it and invest and hold the proceeds ($600) in trust 
for the purposes mentioned in the will.] 



1866. John Hillis. 1S74. 

1867. John Hillis. 1875. 

1868. Edward Osgood Otis. 1876. 

1869. Edward Osgood Otis. 1877. 

1870. Edward Osgood Otis. 1878. 

1871. Arthur L. Goodrich. 1879. 

1872. Arthur L. Goodrich. 1880. 

1873. Arthur L. Goodrich. i88i. 



Edmund Q. S. Osgood. 
George Osgood. 
George Osgood. 
Parry Kennard Solger. 
H. Irving Dillenback. 
William H. P.age. 
William H. Page. 
William H. Page. 



INDEX. 



INDEX. 



Abbit, Mrs. Susanna (Mrs. Oxen bridge), 

129. 
Abbot, Rev- John L., 249, 250; ordained 
minister of the church, 243 ; Hfe of, 
244-247 ; his feeble health, 243, 245, 
246 ; birth and education, 244 ; grad- 
uates at Harvard, 244 ; studies theol- 
ogy at Cambridge, 244 ; appointed 
reader in the Episcopal church and 
College Librarian, 244 ; his marriage, 
244 ; ill-health, 245 ; votes and letter 
of sympathy from the church granting 
leave of absence, 245, 246 ; continued 
ill-health and resignation, 246 ; decline 
and death, 246 ; funeral sermon by 
Edward Everett, and Monody on, by 
J. Lathrop, 247; burial-place, 247; 
his preaching and religious views, 247 ; 
leaves a widow but no children, 247. 

Abbot, Archbishop, 108. 

Abbot, John L., 244. 

Abbot, Mrs. Phoebe, 244. 

Abbot, Rich., 140 n. 

Abbot, S. L., 261, 306, 309. 

Adams, C. F., 262. 

Adams, Pres. John, 101 n. 

Adams, Senator John Q., 234. 

Addington, Isaac, 167, 173. 

Admission to the church by covenant, xlii. 

Admissions (see Church). 

Alden, his Account of Religious Societies 
in Portsmouth, 139. 

Alexander, Mr., elected vicar of Boston 
(Eng.), 28. 

Allen, Rev. James, 125, 133, 136 n., 137, 
139, 140, 1460., 147, 158, 159, 160; 
teacher of the church, 102 ; life of, iiS- 
120; birth and education, iiS; arrival 
in Boston, 119; first marriage, 119; 



fellow of Harvard College, 119; sec- 
ond and third marriage, 1 19-120; his 
fine residence, large wealth, and hospi- 
tality, 1 20 ; his zeal for church order 
and government, 1 20 ; his death, 1 20 ; 
executor of the will of Governor Bel- 
lingham, 130. 

Allen, James, 119. 

Allen, Jeremiah, 119, 173, 174. 

Ames, Dr. William, 99. 

Andrews, William T., 252. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, 140, 145 ; his at- 
tempts to establish Episcopacy, 146- 
147. 

Apollonius, William, 91. 

Apostles' Creed, The, Ixx. 

Appleton, , 157. 

Arbella, The, 1. 

Aspinwall, William, 43 n., 67. 

.'\ustin, Hon. Benjamin, 242. 

Austin, Charles, 242. 



Bacon, Dr., 106. 

Bailey, Rev. John, 140 ; invited to assist 
in the ministry of First Church, 149; 
life of, 150-155; ministry in England 
and Ireland, 1 50 ; imprisoned in both 
places for non-conformity, 1 50-1 51 ; 
arrives in Boston and preaches at South 
Churcli, 151 ; installed minister at Wa- 
tertown, 152; settled at Boston, 152; 
death, 152-153; burial-place, 153; his 
sayings, 154; his Journal, 154; his 
descendants, 155. 

Bailey, Rev. Thomas, 151, 152. 

Ballantine, Capt. John, 171. 

Balston, Capt. John, 164. 

Balstone, William, 43 n., 67. 



344 



INDEX. 



Bancroft, George. 262. 

Baptism, the Furitan view of the rite 
of, as distingiiislied from that of the 
Church of Knglaml, xxxix. 

Baptisms (see Churoh). 

Barefoot, , 142. 

Baxter. , 105. 

Belknap. Rev. Jeremy. 229. 2S0 ; sermon 
at rhui^day Lecture, 210 n. 

Belknap, Miss Betsey, 210 n. 

Belknap. Sarah. 155. 

Beliingham, Gov.. 130. 

Bond.xll, Edward, 58. 

Benj.imin. Asher, 235-237. 

Bernard, . 71. 

Bowett. Hugh, banished. 76. 

Bible, modern estimate of the. Ixxiii. 

Bigelow, Jacob. M.D.. 240. 

Bigelow, Mi-s. J.u\ib, her description of 
the Old Brick, 240. 

Biron, Duke of. oS. 

Blanchard, George. 235. 

Blaxton. William. S. 

Blonkin. Rev. G. B., 36. 

Boardman, Ruth (Mrs. \Vads\vorth\ 157. 

Bodies of Divinity. Ixi. 

Bond. Sampson, invited to preach for 
First Church, 13S. 

Boscawen. Hugh, 152. 

Boston Association of Congregational min- 
isters, origin of, 45. 

Boston Cluiixh^ its conspicuous position, 
xlix. 

Boswell. Rev. Willi.im, 104. 

Bowditch, N. I.. 43. 

Brackott, Richard, loi n. 

Bradford. Alden. his History of Massachu- 
setts cited, 149 n. 

Bradford, Sam.. 243. 

Bradstreet. Dorotlu- (Mrs. Cotton), 45. 

Bradstreet, Simon. 04. 

Brattle Square Church, formation of, 15$. 

Breck, Robert, 120. 

Bridge, Copia. 163. 

Bridge, Elizabeth, 163. 

Bridge. Ellen (Mi-s. MarionV 163. 

Bridge. I.ydia. 163. 

Bridge. Samuel. 167. 

Bridge. Rev. Thomas. 152 n., 160, 170. 
173. 176; ordained as assistant minis- 
ter of First Church, 160; life of. 160- 
164; birthplace. 160; graduates at j 
Oxford and travels abroad. 161 : takes 
ordei-s. 161 : his marri.age, 161 : preaches 
in the West Indies, 16 1 ; liis journey | 



to Port Royal, 162; death. 162; no- 
tices of, 1C2 ; his burial-place, 39 n., 
103; pix)vision for his widow. 162; 
manner of educating his daughters, 
102: his descendants, 163. 

Bridge. Thomas, liis e.uly death, 164. 

Bridge. Rev. Mr. (of Chelmsford), 206. 

Bridgium. Elder. lOo. 

Briggs. Ci. W., D.D.. address at the two 
hundred .md lifticth .inniversary of 
First Cliurch. 310. 

Briscoe. William, lined for writing a book 
against t;ixation, 79. 

Britton, , 73. 

Brooks, Ann Gorham (Mrs. Frothing- 
ham), 253. 

Brooks. Rev. Charles T., hymn by, for 
the two hundred and fiftieth anniver- 
sary of First Church, 319. 

Brooks, Peter C, 235, 246, 254, 311. 

Brooks, Peter C, Jr., 253. 

Brooks, Phillips, D.D., address on the 
two hundred and fiftietli anniversary 
of First Church, 319. 

Brooks, William Gray, his " Genealogj" of 
the Cotton l-^amily,"' 39 n., 44 n. 

Brown, Elder, his lieresy regTirding the 
Church of Rome, 12. 

Browne, , 201. 

Buck, Edw,ird, his " Ecclesiastical Law 
of M,issachusetts" cited, 187. 

Buckminstcr, Rev. J. S., 227, 23S, 265 ; 
extract from funeral sermon on Rev. 
William Eniei-son, 231. 

Butler, Jane (Mi-s. Oxenbridge), monu- 
ment to her memory with Latin in- 
scription by Andrew Marvel, 12S. 

Butler, Thomas, 126. 



Cambridge Church, formation of, 53. 

Cambridge Platform, embodied by Cot- 
ton and othei"s, 21. 

Cambridge Synods, 60, So, S3, 133 ; rules 
adopted by, 6o-6i. 

Campbell, his " Lives of the Loi-d Chan- 
cellors of England '" cited. 24 n. 

Carpenter. . le.idcr of singing. 239, 

Cathedrals, English and continental, dif- 
ference between, Hi. 

Chandler, Dr., 190. 

Channing. William E., D.D., 250, 263. 

Chaplin, L")aniel 224. 

Charities (see Sunday School). 

Charles L, of England, 113, 12S, 270. 



INDEX. 



345 



Charles II., of England, 94. 

Charlestown churcli, formation of, 13. 

Chauncy, Rev. Charles, 97 n., 130; letter 
to, from John Davenport, 112. 

Chauncy, Charles, D.D., 181, 183, 205, 
206, 208, 209, 210, 212, 217, 219, 233, 
238, 265, 270; ordained minister of 
the church, 187 ; life of, 18S-198 ; birth 
and ancestry, 188; college life, 188; 
D.D.from Edinburgh University, 189; 
visit of Whitefield first brings into 
public notice, 189; preaches the Elec- 
tion Sermon, 189; engages in theolog- 
ical controversies, 190; his " Universal 
Salvation," 191; review of, 196-19S; 
death, 191 ; his family, 192 ; his preach- 
ing and literary attainments, 192, 195 ; 
religious views, personal appearance 
and habits, 193-198; portrait, 193. 

Chauncy, Mrs. Elizabeth, 192. 

Cheever, Samuel, 172. 

Chevers, Mr., 147. 

Child, Dr., his attempts to secure free- 
dom of worship, 82. 

Church, admissions to, 6, 14-15, 85, 96, 
97, 98 n., 102 n., 117 n., 120, 131, 145, 
148, 158, 160, 165, 178, 188, 198, 205, 
215, 247, 284, 317; baptisms, 15, 85, 
96, 98 n., 102 n., 117 n., 120, 131, 145, 
148, 158, 160, 165, 178, 188, 206, 215, 
248, 284; marriages, 82 n., 317; Pu- 
ritan idea of, xxv ; records cited, 
26 n., 62 n., 65 n.,84 n., 125 n., 132 n.. 
134 n., 138 n., 139 n., 147 n., 148 
n., 149 n., 150 n., 160 n., 165 n., 167 
n., 170 n., 171 n., 180 n., 184 n., 185, 
199, 201 n., 312 n; the Roman idea 
of, xxii ; work, Ixxxii. 

Clarke, James Freeman, D.D., 300. 

Clarke, John, D.D., 191, 192, 194, 207, 
217, 226, 233, 239; ordained colleague 
pastor with Dr. Chauncy, 20S ; his 
birth, 208 ; enters the Boston Latin 
School, 208 ; his scholarship, 208 ; 
graduates at Harvard, 208 ; his repu- 
tation for preaching, 209 ; sudden death, 

209 ; published sermons and writings, 

210 ; cultivated the fine arts, 210 ; his 
public prayers and style of delivery, 

211 ; his manners and religious views, 
211; contrasted with his colleague. 
Dr. Chauncy, 212; personal appear- 
ance, 213; portrait and family, 213. 

Clarke, Capt., 117, 118. 
Clarke, John, 208. 



Clarke, Sarah (Pickering), 208. 

Clavering, Elizalaeth, 126. 

Clavering, Sir John, 127. 

Coddington, Gov. William, 9, loi n. 

Coffin, Thomas Aston, Bart., 208. 

Coffin, , 142. 

Coggshall, John, 50, 67 ; banished, 62. 

Coleburn, William, 43 n. 

Coleman, William, 43 n. 

Coleman, Dr., 158, 162, 167, 168, 170, 
173, 180, 185, 187. 

Collamore, John, 307. 

Collins, Edward, 144. 

Collins, Rev. John, 144. 

Collins, Rev. Mr., his "reproachful 
speeches," 69; imprisonment and re- 
lease, 70. 

Collins, , 142. 

Columbian Centinel, quoted, 209 n. 

Commemoration by the First Church in 
Boston of the two hundred and fiftieth 
anniversary, etc., The, cited, 28 n., 
/on., 317 n. 

Coney, Thomas, 31. 

Congregationalism of the New England 
churches, xlix ; a reversion to the New 
Testament pattern, li. 

Continental Reformed Churches, li. 

Cook, Dr., 173. 

Cook, Elisha, 167. 

Cooke, Lieut., 125. 

Cooke, Richard, 132. 

Cooke, , 1 18. 

Coolidge, J. I. T., D.D , 289. 

Cooper, Mrs. Judith (Sewall), 43. 

Cooper, W. D., his " Sketch of the Oxen- 
bridges " cited, 126 n. 

Cope, Elder, 160. 

Corporation, records of, cited, 237 n., 250. 

Cotton, Rev. John, 15, 18, 20, 23, 46, 47, 
51. 53, 54. 57-60, 65, 67, 79, 82, 85, 
86, 88, 92, 94, 122, 278, 302, 307; 
arrival in Boston, 25 ; installed as 
teacher, 25-26 ; life of, 27-45 • birth- 
place and Puritan influences, 27 ; his 
course at the university, 27 ; vicar of 
St. Botolph's Church in Boston (Eng.), 
28 ; his fame as a preacher, 29 ; per- 
secuted for non-conformity. 29 ; war- 
rant for his arrest, 30 ; resigns his 
vicarage, 31 ; his views on the subject 
of church ceremonies, 32, 33, 36 ; seeks 
refuge in New England, 34 ; helps to 
save the Boston Common, 34, 52 ; es- 
tablishes Thursday Lecture, and per- 



346 



INDEX. 



haps also the Election Sermon and 
Public Latin School, 34-35 ; his literary 
abilities, 35 ; personal appearance and 
portrait, 35 ; observance of Saturday 
evenings, 37 ; his " Milk for Babes," t,-j ; 
preaches the second Artillery Election 
Sermon, 37 ; correspondence with Oli- 
ver Cromwell, 37-39 ; death and bur- 
ial-place, 39 ; influence in Church and 
State, 40, 45 ; gift to First Church, 
40 ; restoration of the " Cotton Chapel 
in Boston (Eng.)" by American citi- 
zens, 40-41 ; copy of Latin inscription 
by Edward Everett, 41 ; his posses- 
sions and will, 42 ; epitaph, 44 ; his 
descendants, 44-45 ; said to have 
preached the first Election Sermon, 50 ; 
his sympathy with the views of Mrs. 
Hutchinson, 21, 55-56; his review of 
the Hutchinsonian controversy, 64 ; an- 
swers Mr. Bernard, and a book in sup- 
port of Common Prayer, 71 ; favors 
support of the ministry by voluntary 
contributions, 72^ i his " Sermons on 
the Seven Vials " surreptitiously pub- 
lished, 77 ; invited to attend the West- 
minster Assembly, 77. 

Cotton, John, Jr., 43. 

Cotton, Maria, her Bible, 43 n., 45 n. 

Cotton, Mrs. Priscilla, 45 n. 

Cotton, Rowland, 27. 

Cotton, Seaborn, 25, 42, 43, 45. 

Cotton Tomb, The, in King's Chapel Bur- 
ying Ground, 39 n. 

Cranfield, Gov., 139, 143. 

Creed, change of, in First Church, Ivi ; 
Puritan or Orthodox or Evangelical, 
Ivii ; modifications of, Iviii ; Orthodox 
committed to revise, Ixix. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 12S; his letter to Cot- 
ton, 38-39 ; his Letters and Speeches 
cited, 38 n. 

Crosby, Prudence (Mrs. Cotton), 45. 

Cuntz, Otto, 313 n. 

Curtis, Charles P., 252. 



Dallia, Mons., 173. 
Dantforth, Gov., 181. 
Dantforth, Elizabeth (Mrs. Foxcroft), 

iSi. 
Dantforth, Rev. John, 182 n. 
Dantforth, Samuel, 82. 
Davenport, Christopher, 103. 
Davenport, Henrie, 102. 



Davenport, Rev. John, 18, 39 n.,97n., 117, 
118, 119; his Life of Cotton, 32; ar- 
rival in Boston and sermon there, 
59-60 ; sermon at Cambridge, 61 ; in- 
vited to attend the Westminster As- 
sembly, 77 ; declines invitation to be- 
come minister of Second Church at 
formation, 84 ; his birth and education, 

102 ; begins preaching at eighteen, 

103 ; lecturer and curate of St. Law- 
rence Jewry and vicar of St. Stephen's, 
London, 104 ; suspected of Puritanism, 
104; pastoral relations, 105 ; his letter 
to Dr. Leighton, 105 ; signs an appeal 
in behalf of abused Protestants, 105 ; 
correspondence with Lady V'eie, 105, 
108, 112; trouble with Archlaishop 
Laud, 106 ; contributes towards the 
colonization of Massachusetts, 106 ; 
his first printed se mon, 106; edits 
sermons of Dr. Preston, 107; com- 
plained of for non-conformity, 107 ; 
pastoral labors, 108 ; inward change to 
non-conformist, 108 ; escapes to Hol- 
land and minister of church in Amster- 
dam, 109 ; controversy with Paget, log; 
summoned to answer for seditious 
preacliing, no; further troubles, no; 
returns home and sails for New Eng- 
land, no ; his stay at Boston and de- 
parture for New Haven, ni; pro- 
moter of the new government,! i i-n2 ; 
his letters and writings, in-112; his 
connection with the formation of a col- 
lege at New Haven, 112; views on 
church discipline, 113 ; his sermon m 
the occasion of the flight of King 
Charles's judges, n3 ; scholarship and 
handwriting, 114; portrait, n4 ; 
preaches the Election Sermon, n4; 

death and burial, Ti4-n5. 

Davenport, Mrs. Winifred (Barnabit), 102. 

Davis, William T., his letter to Hon. 
Roberi C. Winthrop, 45 n. 

Davis, , 119. 

Deane, Dr. Charles, 37 ; his statement of 
the proceedings against Gorton, 81 n. 

Dent, , 99. 

Development of opinions, Ixiii. 

Devotional Sunday Services, Ixxx. 

Dexter, F. B., his life of Davenport cited, 
102 n.. 103 n., 104, 105, 107 n. 

Dexter, Henry M., D.D., his "Congrega- 
tionalism as seen in its Literature," 
&c. cited, 15 n., 16 n., 22 n., 82 n., 97 n. 



INDEX. 



347 



Diman, J. Lewis, D.D., 300. 
Discipline, Church, xliv. 

Dod, Dr. John, 9S, 99. 

Dorset, Earl of, 31. 

Dudley, Gov. Joseph, 173. 

Dudley, Gov. Thomas, 22 ; one of the 
first four signers of the church cove- 
nant, 3 ; account of, 4, 87-88 ; his letter 
to the Countess of Lincoln, 10. 

Dummer, Hannah (Mrs. Allen), 119. 

Dummer, Jeremiah, 148, 164. 

Dummer, Richard, 119. 

Dunton, John, quoted, 154. 

Dupee, Horace, 309. 

Dury, John, 92, 112. 

Duryea, Joseph T., D.D., participates in 
the two hundred and fiftieth anniver- 
sary of First Church, 319. 

Dwight, J. S., 322. 

Dyer, Mrs. Mary, 64. 

Dyke, Rev. Jeremiah, 89, 90. 

Dyneley, Fathergone, 214. 

Dyneley, William, 214. 



Eaton, Gov. Theophilus, iii, 112, 

Ecclesiasticism, remnants of, in the Eng- 
lish Church, Iii ; disuse of, in New 
England, liii. 

Eckley, Joseph, D.D., 240. 

Edward HI., of England, 126. 

Edwards, Pres., 195. 

Eggerton, Jeremiah, 45. 

Eliot, the Apostle, 51, 100; temporary 
service as teacher of the church, 10; 
reason for declining a permanent 
appointment, 14 ; teacher of Roxbury 
Church, 14. 

Eliot, Pres. Charles W., address at the 
two hundred and fiftieth anniversary 
of First Church, 319. 

Eliot, John, D.D., 195, 207, 210 n., 238. 

Eliot, Jacob, dismissed from office of dea- 
con during Davenport controversy, 1 1 7. 

Elizabeth, of England, 98. 

Ellis. George E., D.D., Introduction to 
this History, xvii, 262, 289, 319, 320, 
322 ; his Life of Mrs. Anne Hutchin- 
son, cited, 63 n.. 64 n , 65 n. ; address 
at the two hundred and fiftieth anni- 
versary of First Chureh, 319 ; serves 
as chaplain in the absence of the 
pastor on the occasion of the two 
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the 
settlement of Boston, 320. 



Ellis, Miss Gertrude S., 320. 

Ellis, Rufus, D.D., 30S, 309, 310; his 
statement of the religious opinions and 
practice of Dr. Chauncy, 196; his 
"Last Sermon in Chauncy Street 
Church" cited, 237 n. ; notices of Dr. 
Frothingham, 254, 261 ; installed as 
minister of First Church, 285 ; letter of 
invitation and reply thereto, 286-2S7; 
portrait, 287 ; exercises at his installa- 
tion, 287-2S9 ; reports on the Sunday 
school and church work, 290-298 ; 
sent abroad for his health, 315 ; recog- 
nition by the congregation of his 
twenty-fifth anniversary, 316 ; his 
twenty-fifth anniversary sermon quoted, 
317; introduces the speakers at the 
two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of 
First Church, 319. 

Emerson, Charles Chauncy, 229. 

Emerson, Edward Bliss, 229. 

Emerson, Ellen T., 228. 

Emerson, John Clarke, 229. 

Emerson, Rev. Joseph, 224. 

Emerson, Mary Caroline, 229. 

Emerson, Phoebe Ripley, 229. 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 31S; visit to, 
22S-229 ; his transcendentalism, 276. 

Emerson, Robert Bulkeley, 229. 

Emerson, Ruth (Haskins), 228, 229. 

Emerson, Rev. William, quoted, 114, 131, 
1S4, 237, 238, 239, 241, 249, 270; his 
" History of First Church" cited, 45 
n., 85 n., 88 n., 96 n., 97 n., 98 n., 
102 n., 117 n., 119 n., 120 n., 145 n., 
148 n., 155 n., 160 n., 165 n., 178 n., 
192 n., 201 n., 206 n. ; difficulties at- 
tending his removal from the church 
in Harvard, 223 ; installed as minister 
of First Church, 224 ; life of, 224- 
234 ; birth and education, 225 ; gradu- 
ates at Harvard, and teaches school, 
225 ; his publications, 226 ; decline in 
health, 227 ; death and burial in the 
Cotton tomb, 39 n., 227 ; as a writer 
and preacher, 227 ; his theology, 227 ; 
family Bible, 228 ; public and private 
services, 229 ; musical tastes, 229 ; 
temperament, 230 ; personal attrac- 
tions and portrait, 230 ; his publica- 
tions and Fourth of July Oration, 
231 ; his " History of First Church," 
231 ; extract from Dr. Buckminster's 
funeral sermon on, 231-234 ; his Psalm 
and Hymn Book, 248. 



348 



INDEX. 



Emerson, Rev. William, St., 224. 
Emerson, William, 229. 
Endicott, Gov. John, 22, 44, 47, 106; 
cuts out the crosses from standard, 

30. 52- 
English, Philip, persecuted for witchcraft, 

143- 
Episcopacy, Massachusetts not congenial 

to, 1 ; efforts to establish, 146. 
Eustis, Gov. William, 2cS. 
Everett, Prof. C. C, D.U., address at the 

two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of 

First Church, 319. 
Everett, Hon. Edward, 252, 262, 2S9, 308 ; 

death and public funeral, 304-306 ; 

resolutions of the church, 305. 
Everett, Mrs. Edward, 254. 
Everett, Dr. William, 306 ; his poem on 

Cotton, 28 n., 319. 



Fast D.ws, Puritan view of, xlviii. 

Faxon, Thomas, loi n. 

Felt, his " History of Ipswich "' cited, 
94 n., 95 n- 

Fessenden, W. H., 319. 

Firmin, Giles, 26. 

First Church in Boston, formation and 
covenant of, 3 ; purpose of the found- 
ers, 6 ; organization, 6-7 ; first meet- 
ing-place, and removal to Boston, 8 ; 
hardships of the early settlers, g ; let- 
ter of, relating to church polity, 12 ; 
first meeting-house erected by contri- 
butions, 13; withdrawal of Charles- 
town members, 13; early membership, 
13-14 ; important relations with the 
State, 15 ; growth and prosperity, 16 ; 
modes of worship, discipline, and gov- 
ernment, 16-22 ; rules of admission 
and expulsion, 19-20 ; picture of 
its wilderness congregation, 22 ; its 
ministers supported by weekly volun- 
tary contributions, 46, 79 n., 148, 1S4, 
186-187,274, 277; sympathy for the 
Indians, 47 ; discussion about veils, 
47 ; dispute with Roger Williams, 47- 
50 ; dismissal from, doubted by some 
of Charlestown, 50 ; dealings with Mr. 
Eliot, 51 : fasts and councils, 52, 53, 
56 ; growing liberalism, 54 ; contro- 
versy with Mrs. Hutchinson, 57 ; min- 
isters consulted by the court, 58 ; peti- 
tions the court, 58 ; observes a day of 
thanksgiving, 59 ; appoints days of 



humiliation and conference, 60 ; refu- 
sal to join in a thanksgiving, 61 ; deal- 
ings with Mrs. Hutchinson and her 
followers, 61 ; attempts to reclaim 
Mrs. Hutchinson, 65-6S ; efforts to 
reform extravagance in dress, 70 ; sec- 
ond meeting-house, 74 ; disagreement 
as to the site of, 75 ; its cost, 75 n. ; 
marriages solemnized by magistrates, 
83 ; discourages legal proceedings, 83 ; 
large contribution for a struggling 
church, 85 ; influence of ministers in 
temporal affairs, 87 ; controls chil- 
dren of churcli members, 96 ; deter- 
mines the right to be baptized, 97 ; 
controversy over the settlement of 
Davenport, and formation of the 
Third Church in Boston, 115-118; 
its relations to the State materially 
altered, 121 ; its system of church 
goveinment, 122-124; refusal to rati- 
fy the Half Way Covenant, 123; treat- 
ment of the Quakers, 129 ; contributes 
to the support of Harvard College, 
132 ; notice of psalmody, 132 ; sup- 
port of the poor, 132 ; disapproves of 
a cluirch synod, 133 ; invites other 
churches to assist in carrying on 
Thursday Lecture, 134 ; reconciled to 
Third Church, 134-137; hostility of 
Gov. Andros towards, 145 ; strict ob- 
servance of the Sabbath, 148; effect 
of the new charter, 149 ; number of 
churches in Boston other than, 158; 
objects to the Brattle Square Church 
"manifesto," 158; its connection with 
the College, 159; purchases land for 
the use of the ministry, 164; meet- 
ing-house of, destroyed by fire, 167; 
preparations for building a new edi- 
fice, 167 ; aid and sympathy from sis- 
ter churches, 168-169; reports and 
proposals, 171 ; an " Old Journal " of, 
extracts from, 173-178; deacons re- 
quired to keep regular accounts, 184 ; 
lectures established by, 1S5 ; South 
Church unites in service with, 198 ; 
congregation consulted in monetary 
affairs, 198 ; minister presides at meet- 
ings of, 199; expounding the Scrip- 
tures discretionary with the ministers, 
199 ; hour of service changed, 199 ; 
declines to advise Salem Church as to 
a disturbance there, 199 ; ratifies the 
Half Way Covenant, 200 ; divided on 



INDEX. 



349 



the point of choosing a new ruling 
elder, 200 ; moderator appointed to 
preside at meetings, 200 ; connection 
with the State still holds, 200 ; en- 
larges the vote allowing the congrega- 
tion to consult with it on monetary 
affairs, 201 ; disposition of pews in, 
201, 214; infrequency of pulpit ex- 
changes, 201 ; Whitefield preaches at 
Thursday Lecture, 202 ; ministers com- 
plain of the salaries provided by, 203 ; 
encourages singing practice, 204 ; 
adopts " Tate and Brady," 205 ; Brat- 
tle Square Church unites in service 
with, 206 ; break in the records during 
the Revolutionary period, 206 ; deliv- 
ers " leaden weights " to the commis- 
sary of the colony, on condition, etc., 
206 ; Gen. Washington attends the 
opening of Thursday Lecture by, after 
the siege, 207 ; unites in service with 
Brattle Square Church, 214; the old 
record-book of, 214; organ music in, 
216 ; curious tractate on church music 
addressed to ministers of, 217 ; the 
first organ, 21S ; single ministry of, 
219; deacons to render annual ac- 
counts, 219 ; theological changes, 219- 
223 ; week-day lectares, communion, 
and baptism, 222; larger ta.xes pro- 
vided for, 234 ; last case of discipline, 

234 ; a form of admission established, 

235 ; erects a fourth meeting-house on 
Chauncy Place, and four dwelling- 
houses on Summer Street, 235-23S; 
dedication, 237 ; description of the 
Old Brick by surviving worshippers in 
that hou.se and others, 239-242 ; taxes 
on the pews in the new meeting-house, 
242 ; for two years without a settled 
minister, 243 ; disappointments in, 
249 ; agitating topics, 266 ; passive at- 
titude of, in relation to the Unitarian 
controversy, 267 ; new organ and first 
music committee, 269 ; real estate of, 
269-270 ; music, 270 ; unites in ser- 
vice with Brattle Square Church, 271 ; 
contributes to the American Unitarian 
Association and Benevolent Frater- 
nity of Churches, 271-272; abolishes 
the Half Way Covenant, 273 ; Trinity 
Church occupies the house on Christ- 
mas day, 273 ; incorporation of, 273- 
274 ; two hundredth anniversary of, 
274 ; the " Christian Psalter " used by, 



279 ; meeting-house reconstructed, 280; 
attends services in King's Chapel, 281 ; 
n^w organ, 2S1 ; membership of, and 
communion with, provided for, 281 • 
charity fund, 282 ; sells real estate, 
2S3 ; for three years without a settled 
minister, 285 ; charities, 290-298 ; re- 
ceipts for 1S80-81, 298; introduces 
gas, 29S ; declines to form a union ser- 
vice during summer months, 299 ; en- 
larges the invitation to communion, 
299 ; music, 299 ; lawsuit, 303 ; decides 
to build a tilth house of worship, 307 ; 
lays the corner-stone, 307-310 ; inte- 
rior decorations of the present church 
described, 310-312 ; last services in 
Chauncy Street, 312 ; first services in 
the new chapel, 312; adopts King's 
Chapel liturgy, 313; dedication, 313 ; 
n3worgan,3i3; cost of the present edi- 
fice, 313-314 ; liberal contributions from 
members of, 314; free from debt, 315 ; 
informal meetings in the chapel, 315 ; 
recognition of the twenty-fifth anniver- 
sary of the present minister, 316; two 
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of 
cliurch and city, 317-320. 

Flynt, Henry, his Latin oration in mem- 
ory of Wadsworth, 157. 

Foote, Arthur, 320. 

Foote, Rev. Henry W., his "History of 
King's Chapel," 146 n. 

Foster, Elizabeth, 310. 

Foster, James H., 286, 299 n.; notice of 
his death, 304. ^ 

Fowle, , 82. 

Fox, Rev. T. B., 258. 

Foxcroft, Daniel, 181. 

Foxcroft, Col. Francis, 181. 

Foxcroft, Francis, 181. 

Foxcroft, Rev. Samuel, 184. 

Foxcroft, Rev. Thomas, 157, 174, 1S7, 202, 
205 ; his centennial sermon, 14 ; letter 
accepting offer of settlement, 179; or- 
dained minister of First Church, i8o ; 
life of, 1S1-1S4; birth and ancestry, 
181 ; designed by his father for an 
Episcopal clergyman, 181 ; his pasto- 
ral service, 181 ; engages in the Epis- 
copalian controversy, 182 ; sympathy 
for Whitefield in opposition to Chaun- 
cy, 1S2 ; his sermons, 182 n.; death, 
1 83 ; memorials and funeral discourses, 
183. 

Freeman, , 72 n. 



350 



INDEX. 



French, Rev. Jonathan, 244. 

Frotliingham, Ebenezer, 252. 

Frothingham, Ellen, 205 n. 

Frothingham, Joanna (Langdon), 252. 

Frothingham, Nathaniel L., D.U., 83, 240, 
279, 280, 281, 2S5, 287-2S9, 290, 300, 
308, 310 ; his statement of the relig- 
ious views of Dr. Chauncy, 193 ; or- 
dained minister of First Church, 250 ; 
cards of invitation, 251 ; life of, 252- 
265 ; portrait, 252 ; his birtiiiilace, 
252; enters the Boston Latin School, 

252 ; his scholarship and college 
course, 252 ; usher at the Latin Sciiool 
and preceptor of rhetoric at Harvard, 

253 ; his "ministerial record," 253 ; his 
marriage, 253; travels abroad for health, 
254 ; his return to his pulpit, and 
last words on several occasions there 
and elsewhere, 254-256; his writings, 
256, 259; his blindness, 257; his 
death, 258 ; tributes to his memory 
as a writer and preacher, 258-265 ; 
resolutions of the church, 260; funer- 
al services, 262 ; sermon and memoir 
by Dr. Hedge, 262 ; his hymns, 264 : 
his ministry, 265 ; his apparent indiffer- 
ence to the Unitarian controversy, 267- 
269 ; reports on the Sunday school, 
275 ; his relation to Transcendental- 
ism, 27S ; his resignation, and action by 
the church, 283-284. 

Frothingham, Rev. Octavius B., 265 n., 
2S9, 322. 



Gage, Miss Annie Louise. 319. 

Gager, William, deacon at the organiza- 
tion of First Church, 7. 

Gannett, Ezra S., D.D., 262, 272, 2S9, 
310. 

Garfield, Pres. James A., commemorative 
services for, 322. 

Gibbon, Maj., 83. 

Gibbons, Capt. Edward, sent by the church 
to reclaim Mrs. Hutchinson, 65. 

Gibbs, Rev. Henry, 152. 

Goffe, Stephen, his enmity towards Daven- 
port, 109. 

Goodwin, , iig. 

Gookin, Samuel H., 306, 309. 

Gootch, James, 161, 171, 173. 

Graves, Thomas, 2. 

Great Hope, ship, 90. 

Green, Capt. Jeremy, 174, 204. 



Greene, Gardner, 43. 

Greene, , 142. 

Greenhaiu, , 98. 

Gre2nleaf, John, 21 8. 

Greensmith, Stephen, 58. 

Greenwood, Rev. W. P., 281 ; his " His- 
tory of King's Chapel," 146 n. 

Griggs, William, 170 n. 

Grindall, Edmund, 5. 

Gwynne, Mrs., children from her Home 
attend the Sunday school, 294. 



Hale, Edvv'ard E., D.D., 319. 

Hale, Hon. George S., 320. 

Haley, Madam, 43. 

Harris, George O., 307. 

Harrison, Dr., 150. 

Harvard, Town of. Records, 225. 

Hay, Clarence E., 320. 

Hayden, William, liis letter describing the 

appearance of the Old Brick, 241. 
Hawkins, Sarah (Mrs. Allen), 120. 
Hawkins, Capt. Thomas, 120. 
Hedge, Frederic H., D.D., 264, 318 ; his 
memoir of Dr. Frothingham, and fu- 
neral sermon on, in First Church, 262. 
Herrick, Rev. Sanuiel E., 43. 
Hett, Mrs., 79. 
Hibbins, Mrs. Anne, 88. 
Hibbins, William, sent by the church to 

reclaim Mrs. Hutchinson, 65. 
Hirst, Elizab-'th (Mrs. Chauncy), 192. 
Hirst, Judge Grove, 192. 
Holland, Dr., 103. 
Hollingshead, Ann, 270. 
Hollingshead, Richard, 270. 
Hollis, Brand, 216. 
Holmes, Abiel, D.D.,his "Annals" cited, 

149 n. 
Hood, George, his " History of Music in 

New England " cited, 28 n. 
Hood, Timothy, 107. 
Hooker, Rev. Thos, 25, 48, 51, 58 ; invited 
to attend the Westminster Assembly, 

n- 

Hopkins, Edward, ti2. 

Iloppin, Rev. Dr. Nicholas, his article on 

Cotton, 33 n.,36n. 
Horrocks, Elizabeth (Mrs. Cotton), 29. 
Houchin, Elizabeth (Mrs. Allen), 119. 
Houlton, Robert, 119. 
Howard, Rev. Dr., 193. 
Hubbard, Rev. Mr, S3. 
Hull, John, his Diary cited, 113 n. 



INDEX. 



351 



Hull, John, 4-;. 

HliII, John (of Third Church), 137. 

Humphrey, John, 22, 77. 

Huntington, Rev. F. D., 2S9. 

Huntington, Ralph, 306. 

Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 21, 56, 64,65, 71, 

73, 91 ; her " Dangerous Errors," 54 ; 

her banishment from Church and 

State, 62-63 > 'i^r subsequent life and 

tragic end, 63. 
Hutchinson, Eliakim, 173. 
Hutchinson, Elisha, 167. 
Hutchinson, Francis, 69 ; punished for 

" reviling the Church," 70. 
Hutchinson, Gov., 118; quoted, ;^o, 154; 

his collection of Papers cited, 31 n. ; 

his " History of Massachusetts " cited, 

81 n., 95 n., qS n., 146 n., 155 n. 
Hutchinson, William, 63. 
Hutchinson, William, 171. 



Jackson, Francis, his plan of the lot of 
land occupied by the first meeting-house 
on State Street, 13. 

Jacobs, Mrs. Ann (Mrs. Moodsy), 144. 

Jaffrey, Patrick, 43. 

James I., of England, 47, 103. 

James II., of England, 147. 

James, Thomas, pastor of Charlestown 
church, 14. 

Johnson, Lady Arbella, 30 ; her early 
death, 4. 

Johnson, Isaac, 11 ; his supposed burial- 
place, 39 n. ; one of the first four 
signers of the Covenant, 3 ; account 
of, 4. 

Joy. Abby, 311. 

Joy, Benjamin, 235-237. 

Joy, John, 235. 



Keayne, Robert, 20, 63 n. ; admonished 
by the church, 20 ; false principles and 
rules for trading deduced from his 
case, 73 ; founder and first commander 
of tlie Ancient and Honorable Artillery 
Company, 65 n. 

Kendrick, John, 42. 

Kippis, Dr., 21 S. 

Kirkland, Rev. John Thornton, 230, 213. 



Lathrop, Rev. John, 238, 243, 254. 
La Tour, Gov. of Acadia, 79 ; attends 



church meetings although an " idol- 
ater," 79. 

Laud, Archbishop, 103, 106. 

Lechford, Tho., 73 n. ; his "Plain Deal- 
ing " cited, 17 n. 

Leighton, Dr. Alexander, 105. 

Lenthall, Robert, 73. 

Letter, Farewell, xxix. 

Leverett, Thomas, 30. 

Liberal Christianity, Ixi. 

Lincoln, Bishop of, 31. 

Lincoln, Earl of, 30. 

Lincoln, Pres. Abraham, 256. 

Llandaff, Bishop of, 190. 

Long, Gov. John D., address on the two 
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of 
First Church, 319. 

Lord's Supper, the Puritan view of, as dis- 
tinguished from that of the Church of 
England, xli. 

Lothrop, Augustus, 309. 

Lothrop, Rev. S. K , his " History of 
Brattle Square Church " cited, 167 n , 
1S5 n. 

Lowell, Dr. Charles, quoted, 230, 243, 
250, 252, 263, 2SS ; letter from, 287. 

Lunt, Dr. William P., 279. 

Luther, Martin, claimed to belong to the 
Holy Catholic .\postoIical Church, li. 

Luttall, , 67. 



McClure, Rev. A. W., his " Life of 

Cotton," cited, 37 n. 
McKean, Rev. Joseph, 243, 250, 252. 
Mansfield, Elizabeth (Mrs. Wilson), 5. 
Mansfield, Sir John, 5, 98. 
Marion, John, Jr., 163, 171, 173. 
Marion, Joseph, 163. 
Marriages (see Church). 
Marshall, Thomas, 84. 
Marsham, Sir William, 90. 
Marvell, Andrew, 128 ; his letter to Oliver 

Cromwell in praise of Oxenbridge and 

wife, 128. 
Mason, Jonathan, 43. 
Mason, Mary (Mrs. Norton), 95. 
Massachusetts, Court records of, cited, 

63n.,95n. 
Massachusetts Gazette cited, 192 n., 

196 n. ; quoted, 206, 207. 
Massachusetts Hist. Soc. Coll. cited, 

69 n., 142 n., 201 n. 
Massachusetts Hist. Soc. Proceed, cited, 
45 n., 262, 265 n. 



152 



INDEX. 



Matchett, William F., 320. 

Mather, Cotton, 3, 5,23, 28, 35, 94, 106, 

141, iSo, 187 ; his " Life of Cotton " 

cited, 29 n., 33 n. ; his " Magnalia " 

cited, 82 ; quoted, loi n. 
Mather, Eleazer, 119. 
Mather, Rev. Increase, 43, 45 n., 88 n., 

147, 158, 160, iSo; second minister of 

Second Church, 85. 
Mather, Mrs. Mariah (Cotton), 43, 45. 
Mather, Richard, marries the widow of 

John Cotton, 44. 
Mather, Samuel, <S4 ; his " Apology for the 

Liberties of the Churches in New Eng- 
land " cited, 152 n. 
Mather, Mrs. Sarah (Cotton), 43. 
Matson, Thomas, 19. 
Maverick, Samuel, 47. 
Mayhevv, Dr., 195, 265. 
Mayo, John, first minister of Second 

Church, 84. 
" Memorial History of Boston " cited, 34 

n., 39 n., 52 n;, 75 n., 95 n. 
Messinger, Hon. George W., 306, 307, 

309- 

Miller, Rev. Samuel, letter to Dr. John 
Eliot quoted, 210 n. 

Minns. Thomas, 5 n., 320 ; letter from, 
101 n. 

Mitchell, Jonathan, 45. 

Moodey, Charles C. P., his "Sketches of 
the Moodey Family " cited, 145 n. 

Moodey, Hannah, 145. 

Moodey, Rev. Joshua, 224 ; assistant min- 
ister of First Church, 138 ; life of, 13S- 
145; birthplace, 138; graduates at 
Harvard, 138 ; minister at Portsmouth, 
N.H. 138; trials arising from the tyr- 
anny of Gov. Cranfield, 139-142 ; Fel- 
low of Harvard, and invited to succeed 
Pres. Rogers, 139 ; helps to erect 
some new buildings at Harvard, 130; 
member of a ministerial association, 
140 ; his " Exhortation to a Con- 
demned Malefactor," 140 ; resumes his 
ministry at Portsmouth, 141 ; death at 
Boston, 141 ; imprisonment by Cran- 
field, 142 ; invited to settle at New 
Haven, 142 ; funeral and burial at 
Boston, T43 ; his ministerial labors, 
143; free from the witchcraft craze, 
143 ; his labors in behalf of Philip 
English and wife, 144 ; family and 
descendants, 144-145 ; will, 145. 

Moodey, Martha (Mrs. Russell), 144. 



Moodey, Mary (Mrs. Emerson), 224. 

Moodey, Rev. Samuel, 145, 224. 

Moodey, Sarah (Mrs. Pike), 144. 

Moodey, William, 138, 143. 

Moors, Joseph B., 320. 

Morison, John H., D.D., 289, 319. 

Morrill, James, 234, 235, 273 ; his services 

as deacon, 276. 
Morse, Mary, 167. 
Morton, Rev. Charles, 82, 140, 152. 
Municipal and church charities, Ix.xxv. 



New Eng. Hist. Gen. Soc. Registers, 
13 n., 26 n , 36 n., 41 n , 93 " > 95 "■> 
loi n., 155 n. 

Nichols, Dr , 217. 

Nicholson, Gen. Francis, 173. 

Non-conf:rmists, as distinguished from 
Separatists, xxxiii. 

Norcross, Mayor Otis, 309. 

Norton, Mrs. Alice (Browest), 89. 

Norton, Prof. Andrews, 276 ; quoted, 197. 

Norton, Prof C. E., 95 n. 

Norton, Rev. John, 84, 88, 123, 124, 152, 
225 ; burial-place, 39 n. ; arrival of, 53, 
91 ; invited to become teacher of First 
Church, 86 ; difficulties in the way of a 
permanent settlement, S9, 93 ; life of, 
S9-96 ; birthplace and education, 89 ; 
his scholarship and preaching, 89 ; op- 
posed to Arminianism, 90 ; marriage, 
90 ; departs for New England, 90 ; de- 
clines to settle at Plymouth but accepts 
a call to Ipswich, 91 ; attends the 
synod summoned to try Mrs. Hutchin- 
son, 91 ; grant of land to, by General 
Court, 91 ; author of the first Latin 
book in this country, 92 ; writes another 
bookin Latin, 92 ; preaches the Election 
Sermon, 92 ; participates in the synod 
of 1646, 92 ; agent to the mother coun- 
try, 92 ; replies to William Pynchon, 
9"; ; his " Life of Cotton " and " Heart 
of New England Rent," etc., 94 ;. im- 
portant state service, 94 ; colonial agent 
to England, 94 ; annoyances on his 
return, 94 ; death, 95 ; widow and re- 
lations, 95 ; his treatment of the Quak- 
ers, 95 ; grant of land from the General 
Court for his services, 95 ; his preach- 
ing, 96 ; his will, 96. 

Norton. Madam, widow of John Norton, 
gives the land for the Third Meeting- 
house, 1,15 n. 



INDEX. 



353 



Norton, Thomas, 95. 

Norton, William, 8g. 

Norton, William, Jr., 95. 

Nowell, Increase, 6, 10, 12, 13; ruling 

elder at the organization of First 

Church, 7. 
Noyes, Mrs. Jennie M., 319. 
Nye, Rev. Philip, 92. 



Oakes, Urian, 133. 

Oakes, Vicar, 130. 

Oliver, John, 67 ; sent by the church to 
reclaim Mrs. Hutchinson, 65. 

Oliver, Thomas, 39 n. ; ruling elder, 
14. 

Oliver, Mrs., 72. 

Orne, Esther (Mrs. Clarke), 213. 

Orne, Timothy, 213. 

Owen, Dr. John, gS n. 

Oxenbridge, Daniel, 125. 

Oxenbridge, Daniel, Jr., 129. 

Oxenbridge, Rev John, 125, 133 ; life of, 
125-132 ; birth and ancestry, 125 ; his 
early Puritanism, 126 ; college life, 126 ; 
marriage and preaching, 127 ; Fellowf 
of Eton, 1 28 ; secures the friendship of 
Andrew Marvell, 12S; second mar- 
riage, 129; his funeral sermon on Lord 
Rouse, 129; silenced for non-conform- 
ity, 129 ; travels abroad, and comes to 
New England, 129 ; third marriage, 
129 ; invited to settle at Charleitovvn, 
129 ; minister of First Church, 130 ; 
preaches the Election Sermon, 1 30 ; 
conducts a fast-day service with seven 
other ministers, 130 ; member of the 
Board of Licensers of the Press, 130 ; 
appointed one of a committee of ten 
to report on the negative power of the 
General Court, 130; executor of the 
will of Gov. Bellingliam, 130 ; his sud- 
den death, 130; burial-place, 39 n., 131 ; 
his preaching and literary abilities, 
131 ; his will, 13T. 

Oxenbridge, John, 125. 

Oxenbridge, Theodora (Thatcher), 129. 



Paget, Rev. John, 108, 109. 
Paine, Charles, 235. 
Paine, Fanny Cabot, 312. 
Palfrey, Dr J. G., quoted, 221 ; his " His- 
tory of New England " cited, 7 n. 
Parker, Robert, 19. 



Parker, Rev. Theodore, 278, 279 ; his 
theology, 277. 

Parker, Rev. Mr., 243. 

Parkman, Rev. Francis, 243, 250. 

Parsons, , 201. 

Paterson, William, i6i. 

Pattee, William S , his "History of Old 
Braintree and Quincy " cited, 59 n., 
loi n. 

Peabody, Andrew P., D.D., 296, 319; 
quoted, 222 n. 

Pearce, Capt., 3. 

Pemberton, Rev. Ebenezer, 169, 170, 172. 

Penn, James, 58, 88, 125 ; his voyage to 
Segotea, 84 ; his legacy providing for 
the support of scholars at Harvard, 132. 

Peter, Hugh, 53, 77 ; his sermon at Bos- 
ton, 54. 

Phillips, Rev. George, 6, 12. 

Pickering, Hon. John, 210. 

Pickering, Col. Timothy, 208. 

Pickering, Deacon Timothy, 208. 

Pierce, Dr. John, his letter to Miss Bel- 
knap quoted, 210 n. 

Pierce, James, 217. 

Pike, Rev. John, 140, 144. 

Piper, John E., 306. 

Porter, Pres. Noah, address on the two 
hundred and fiftieth anniversary of 
First Church, 319. 

Positive Part of Church Reformation, the 
design of the Founders of First Church, 
xvii. 

Potter, Asa P., 320. 

Pratt, Mary B., 164 n. 

Preaching, basis of, Ixxxi. 

Preble, Commodore, 235. 

Prelacy, xx ; rejected by the Puritans, 
xxxiv. 

Prescott, William H., 262, 308 ; notice of 
his death, 303. 

Preston, Dr. John, 107. 

Price, Dr., 218. 

Prince, Mayor F. O., 320 ; address on the 
two hundred and fiftieth anniversary 
of First Church, 319. 

Prince, Rev. Thomas, his "Annals of New 
England " cited, 12 n., 14 n. 

Protestant churches in Boston, Ixviii. 

Puritanism, decay of, Ixxvi. 

Puritans, heroic fidelity to their creed, ]x ; 
intolerance of the, 21-22 ; blessings in- 
herited from the, 23 ; their Theocracy, 
122 ; spirit of the, still survives, 159. 

Pynchon, William, 93. 



23 



354 



INDEX. 



OuiNCY, Edmund, loi n. 

Quincy, Eliza Susan, letter from, loi n. 

Quincy, Hon. Josiah, letter from, loi n. 



Randolph, Edward, 140. 

Kansford, Edward, dismissed from the 
office of deacon during the Davenport 
controversy, 118. 

Rantoul, Hon. Robert S., address on the 
two hundred and fiftieth anniversary 
of First Church, 319. 

Reason in matters of faith, Ixiv. 

Records of early New England churches, liv. 

Reformation impeded in the English 
Cliurch, xxi 

Religion, objects of, institutional, Ixxix. 

Reynolds, Edward, M.D., 252 ; his descrip- 
tion of the Old Brick, 239. 

Reynolds, Rev. Grindall, addrsss on the 
two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of 
First Church, 319. 

Rich, Otis, 306. 

Richardson, Thomas O., 320 

Ripley, Rev. Ezra, 224. 

Ripley, Rev. George, 276. 

Robblns, Chandler, D.D., 2S9 ; his " His- 
tory of the SeccnJ Church in Boston " 
cited, 7 n., 85 n. 

Robie, , 142. 

Rodgers, Simon, 132. 

Rogers, Mrs. Jacob C, 320. 

Rogers, Pres. John, 139. 

Rogers, Rev. Nathaniel, 91, 93. 

Rogers, Richard, 98. 

Rome, Church of, development of, Ixvii. 

Rossiter, Joanna (Mrs Cotton), 45. 

Rouse, Hon. Francis, Lord, 129. 

Russell, Eleazer, 144. 

Russell, Rev. Jonathan, 144. 



Sabbath, Puritan view of the, xlvi. 

Sagar, , 150. 

Saints' Days, Puritan objection to, xlvii. 
Salisbury, D. W., 307, 309. 
Saltonstall, Gurdon, 312. 
Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 6. 
Sandcroft, Guilielmus, 28. 
Sandford, John, 43 n., 67. 
Sargent, Turner, 261, 306, 309, 310. 
Saunders, W. A., 105 n. 
Savage, Capt. Ephraim, 167. 
Savage, Hon. James, 55 n. ; his "Geneal. 
Diet, of New Eng. " cited, 119 n., 289. 



Scriptures, the sole authority of, recognized 
by Puritans, xxxvi. 

Scudamore, Lady, 100. 

Second Church in Boston, its formation 
and first place of worship, 84. 

Separatists, as distinguisl.ed from Non- 
conformists, xxxiii. 

Service, form of, in First Church, Ixxix. 

Sewall, Mrs. Hannah (Hull), 43. 

Sewall, Rev. Dr. Joseph, 157, 180. 

Sewall, Judge, 43, 192 ; his Diary, 146, 151, 
152, 162. 

Shattuck, George O., 306, 309. 

Shaw, Charles, his " History of Boston " 
quoted, 218. 

Shaw, William S., 240. 

Shepard, Rev. Thomas, 53. 

Sherman, John, 133. 

Sibs, Dr., 28 n. 

Sibbes, Dr., 90, 107. 

Sibley, Jolin L., his " Harvard Graduates " 
cited, 44 n., 138 n., 139 n., 142 n. 

Silsbee, Hon. Nathanial, 315, 319. 

" Simple Cobbler of Agawam " cited, 
100. 

Simpson, Sidr., 92. 

Skelton, Rev. S«muel, 45. 

Smith, Rev. Ralph, 90. 

Sprague brothers, i. 

Sprague, Charles, 262. 

Stetson, Rev. Caleb, quoted, 280. 

Stevens, Charles W., 31S. 

Stiles, Pres , 1S3. 

Stoddar, Mr., 84. 

Stoddard, Anthony, 130. 

Stoddard, David, 192. 

Stoddard, Mary (Mrs. Chauncy), 192. 

Stoddard, Sampson, 201 n. 

Stoddard, Mr., iiS. 

Story, Sarah (Mrs. Cotton), 29, 23- 

Stoughton, Gov., 149. 

Strange, Mr., 89. 

Sunday school, the, 222, 275, 277, 2S2 ; 
account of, 290-293 ; origin of the 
present form of, 290 ; growth, plan, and 
working of, 290 ; membership, attend- 
ance, etc., 291 ; amount of work done 
by, 291 ; branches of, 292 ; Christmas 
and Easter festiv.ils, 292 ; relations be- 
tween teachers and pupils, 292 ; char- 
itable organizations springing from, 
293-20S. 

Sweete, John, 20. 

Sweete, Temperance, 20. 

Symonds, John, 128. 



INDEX. 



355 



Talbye, Dorothy, 72, 

Tappan, Rev. Dr., 244. 

Tay, Deacon, 17011. 

Taylor, John, 212. 

Thacher, Rev. Peter, 129, 187, 192, 209; 

his Diary, 134 n. 
Thacher, Rev. Samuel Cooper, 243, 250, 

265. 
Thanksgivings, Puritan view of, xlviii. 
Thayer, John Eliot, 311. 
Thayer, Rev. Nathaniel, 224, 226. 
Thayer, Nathaniel, 261, 307, 309, 311, 

319- 

Theological Library, the, 170, 1S4, 242. 

Third (South) Church, formation of, 115. 

Thomas, Judge Benjamin F., 315. 

Thompson, Pishy, his " History of Bos- 
ton ■' (Eng.) cited, 32 n., ^;^ n. 

Thornton, Timothy, 148. 

Throgmorton, Katherine (Mrs. Oxen- 
bridge), 126. 

Thursday Lecture, 47, 78, 130, 134, 135 n., 
140, 202, 210, 222, 226, 237, 240, 
241, 277; earliest notice of, 17; held 
at Cambridge on alternate weeks, 5 1 ; 
importance of, 207 n. ; Dr. Frothing- 
ham's sermon on, quoted, 301-303 : 
Rev. R. C. Waterston's discourse on, 
•cited, 207 n. ; discontinuance and re- 
vival of, 300. 

Tilden, David, 235. 

Tillotson, Archbishop, 195. 

Ting, Gen., 125. 

Tompson, Rev. Mr., yS. 

Torrey, Samuel, 235. 

Townsend, Capt. Pen, 148. 

Townsend, Col., 173. 

Trumbull, Gov., iiS. 

Tuckerman, Henry T. 262. 

Tucksrman, Rev. Joseph, 272. 

Tuckney, Anthony, 31. 

Turner, Elizabeth (Mrs. Bridge), 161. 



Underhill, Capt. John, 40 ; disfran- 
chised. 62; banished, 71 ; his relations 
to the magistrates, 71-72 ; reconciled 
to the church, 76 ; final departure, 76. 

Un'tarianism, Ixi. 

Unitarians denied fellowship of Congre- 
gationalists, Ixvii. 

Uphani, C. W., his " History of Witch- 
craft " quoted, 88 n. 

Upham, Hannah, 228. 

Upham, John, 228. 



Van Brunt, Henry, 309. 
Vane, Gov., 22, 59 ; his residence in Bos- 
ton, 42 ; admitted to the church, 53. 
Vassall, William, 43. 
Vere, Lady, 105, 108, 112. 
Vossius, Gerard, 119. 



Wadsworth, Abigail (Lindall), 155. 

Wadsworth, Rev. Benjamin, 164, 160, 170, 

^ «7j) 176, iSo, iSi, 184, 187, iSS; in- 
vited to assist in the ministry of First 
Church, 149; ordination of, 149; life 
of, 155-158 ; birthplace, 155 ; portrait, 
155 ; graduates at Harvard, 156 ; Fel- 
low and President of the College, 156, 
185; his inaugural address, 156; his 
college service, 157; his sermons and 
, preaching, 157 ; charitable disposition, 
157 ; death, 157 ; his sermon after the 
fire, 167 n. 

Wadsworth, Capt. Samuel, served in Phil- 
ip's war, 155 ; monument to his mem- 
ory erected by his son Benjamin, 155. 

Wadsworth, Capt., 171, 174. 

Wales, George \V., 320. 

Wales, Mary Anne, 312. 

Wales, Thomas B., 311. 

Wales, Thomas B., Jr., 306, 308, 309. 

Walford, Thomas, 2. 

Walker, Anne, 19. 

Walker, Pres. James, 193, 262, 263, 2S5. 

Walker, Richard, 19. 

Walter, Rev. Nehemiah, 173, 181. 

Ward, Rev. Nathaniel, 91. 

Ware, Prof. Henry, 24-;, 244, 250, 263. 

Ware, Prof. Henry, Jr., 272. 

Ware, William, 309. 

Warland, Elizabeth (Bell), 244. 

Warland, Elizabeth Bell (Mrs. Abbot), 
244. 

Warland, Thomas, 244. 

Warren, Hon. G. Washington, address on 
the occasion of the two hundred and 
fiftieth anniversary of the settlement of 
Boston, 320. 

Waterston, Rev. R. C, his article on Cot- 
ton, 35 n. 

Wayte, Richard, ig, 

Welde, Rev. Thomas, 51, 65, 77. 

Welstead, William, 171, 174. 

Wclsteed, Rev. Mr., 187. 

Westminster Symbol, the, Ixx, Ixxi. 

Wharton, his " Remains of Laud " cited, 
126 n. 



356 



INDEX. 



Wheelwright, Rev. Edward, 55, 56, 58, 
60, 76 ; coincides with the views of his 
sister, Mrs. Hutchinson, 54 ; his ser 
mon at Braintree, 59 ; his banisliment 
and restoration to Cliurch and State, 62. 

Whitcomb, Benjamin D., 309. 

White, Eliza (Story), her MS., 163 n., 
164 n. 

White, James C, 320. 

Whitefield, George, the revivalist, 182, 189 ; 
his visit to Boston, 202 ; effects of his 
preaching, 202-203. 

Whitgift, Archlaishop, 125. 

Whiting, Samuel, 92. 

Whyting, , 142 n. 

Wigglesworth, Prof. Edward, Sr., 157. 

Wilder, Hon. Marshall P., 31S. 

Willard, Pres. Joseph, quoted, 209. 

Willard, Rev. Samuel, 136, 137, 151, 160. 

Williams, Roger, 45 ; his claim to have 
baen invited to supply the pulpit of 
First Church in the absence of Wil- 
son, and his reason for declining the 
offer, xxxiv, 10 ; dispute with the au- 
thorities, 47-50. 

Willis, Abigail, 155. 

Willis, Charles, Jr., 155. 

Willis, Nathaniel, 155. 

Wilson, Dr. Edmund, 6. 

Wilson, Rev. John, 6, 12, 18,26, 46, 57, 59 
n., 60, 81, 82, 86, 88, 97 n., 115; one of 
the first four signers of the church cove- 
nant, 3 ; first pastor and teacher, 3, 7 ; 
portrait, 4 ; his birth and ancestry, 3-5, 
98 ; his voyages to England, 6, 9, 53 ; 
death, 98 ; life of, 9S-102 ; scholarship, 
98 ; early views opposed to Puritan- 
ism, 99 ; takes orders. 99 ; his labors 
in England, 99-100; forms a resolu- 
tion, 100 ; his zeal and hospitality, 
100 ; labors among the Indians, and 
serves as chaplain in the Pequot war, 
100; his estate in Ouincy, Mass., 



loi ; preaches the first Artillery Elec- 
tion Sermon, loi ; his dying utterances, 
102. 

Wilson, Mrs. John, 6. 

Wilson, Sir Thomas, 98. 

Wilson, William, 5. 

Wilson, William, D.D., 5. 

Wilson, Rev. Mr., 127. 

Winslow, Gov., 90. 

Winsor, Justin, 318. 

Winthrop, Col. Adam, 200. 

Winthrop, Gov. John, i, 2, 39, 47, 55 n., 
60,65,92, 100; his "Journal" cited, 
4 n., 14 n., 18 n., 24, 34 n., 55 n., 58 n., 
88 n., 70, 7;} n., 75, 76, 77 n. ; one of 
the first four signers of the church 
covenant, 4 ; extract from one of his 
speeches, 78 ; his "little speech," 81 ; 
his death, 81. 

Winthrop, Gov. (of New London), 112. 

Winthrop, Hon. Robert C, 45 n., 262 ; 
on the farewell letter of tlie exiles, xxx ; 
address on the two hundred and fiftieth 
anniversary of First Cliurch, 319. 

Wisner, Rev. Benjamin B., his " History 
of the Old South Church " cited, 

135 n 

Wiswall, John, 136, 137, 139. 

Wood, Anthony, 126 ; his"AthenaB Oxo- 
nienses " cited, 103 n. 

Woodbridge, B., 44. 

Woodgreene, , 119. 

Woodhall, Isabel (Mrs. William Wil- 
son), 5. 

Woodward, Frances (Mrs. Oxenbridge), 
129. 

Woodward, Mrs. Mary Anna, her letter 
describing the Old Brick, 240. 

Wool, Rev. Mr., 28,29. 

Wright, Edward, 33. 

Wright. Richard, 43 n. 

Young, Alexander, D.D., 289 ; his "Chron- 
icLs of Massachusetts " cited, 10 n. 



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